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General Editor, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Ph.D., LL.D. 



1630 — 1649 

Volume I 


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From the original in the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society 











NEW YORK 1908 

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Published June, 1908 

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While in this edition of Winthrop's Journal we have followed, as 
Dr. Hosmer explains in his Introduction, the text prepared by Savage, 
it has been thought wise to add devices which will make the dates 
easier for the reader to follow; but these have, it is hoped, been given 
such a form that the reader will have no difficulty in distinguishing 
added words or figures from those belonging to the original text. 
Winthrop makes no division into chapters. In this edition the text 
has, for the reader's convenience, been broken by headings repre- 
senting the years. These, however, in accordance with modern 
usage, have been set at the beginning of January, not at the date 
with which Winthrop began his year, the first of March. The dates 
set in the inner margins of the headlines to our pages have been 
arranged on the same plan. Early in 1635 Winthrop abandons in 
his text the Roman names of the months, substituting, in accordance 
with Puritan sentiment, a system of numbering, beginning with 
March as the first month. In this edition the more- familiar names 
of the months are inserted in italics. 

With respect to the first of the illustrations, it may be mentioned 
that the first volume of the original manuscript has pages of about 
7| by 5^ inches, so that the facsimile here presented is somewhat 
reduced. The second facsimile exhibits the famous patent of 1629 
to the Massachusetts Company, the conveyance of which to New 
England was of so momentous consequences to the colony. Though 
annulled in 1684, the original patent has remained in Massachusetts, 
and is now exhibited in the office of the Secretary of State, to whom 
we are indebted for permission to reproduce it. The next illustration, 
reproducing the map given in William Wood's book called New 
England's Prospect, bears date of 1634, the year in which that book 
was published. Wood was an intelligent traveller, whose book is of 
much value. It was reproduced by the Prince Society in 1634, edited 
by Dr. Charles Deane. Wood left New England August 15, 1633, 
and the map no doubt represents the state of settlement at the time of 
his departure. It is closely related to the map reproduced in Winsor's 


vi NOTE 

Narrative and Critical History of America, III. 381, which, by whom- 
soever draughted, bears a marginal key in the handwriting of Gov- 
ernor Winthrop. Perhaps Wood depended in part on this map, now 
in the British Museum; perhaps both were based in greater or less 
degree on the same original survey. Of the two maps. Wood's has 
been selected for reproduction in this volume, because it is much 
more easily read. It is here presented in the size of the original. 
For the opportunity to photograph it, and also the title-page of the 
Short Story, we are indebted to Mr. Wilberforce Eames of the Lenox 
Library; for similar permission in the case of the precious original 
manuscript of Winthrop, to Dr. Samuel A. Green, Librarian of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society. 

J. F. J. 


Edited by James Kendall Hosmer 


Introduction 3 

Journal 23 


Winthrop's Fleet sails from the Isle of Wight 24 

A Fast kept on the Ships , . 25 

Matthew Cradock bids Farewell to the Fleet 26 

Danger feared from Hostile Ships 27 

Captain Kirk encountered on the High Seas ..... 36 

Tempest strikes the Fleet 37 

Mount Desert sighted ... 47 

Arbella casts Anchor in Salem Harbor 50 

Expedition to Massachusetts Bay 50 

Marriage of John Endicott 51 

Settlement at Charlestown 52 

Death of the Lady Arbella and Isaac Johnson 52 

Boston occupied and a Church organized ...... 52 

Salem, Dorchester, Watertown and Roxbury named .... 52 

The Plantation set in Order 53 

Winter Severities 55 


Prevalence of Illness 58 

Friendly Overtures from Chickatabot and other Sachems ... 59 

Rev. John Wilson departs for England 60 

Roger Williams at Salem .... .... 61 

Sir Christopher Gardiner 63 

Philip Ratcliffe disciplined for traducing Church and Government . 64 

The Blessing of the Bay launched 65 




Piscataqua heard from 

The Lyon arrives, with important Succor 

Bradford of Plymouth visits Boston . 


Winthrop explores the Neighborhood 

People press for more Power 

Winthrop reelected Governor; Deputies chosen by the Towns 
The French to the Eastward heard from .... 
Churches consult after the Congregational Way . 

Winthrop and Dudley disagree 

Narragansetts send Envoys 

Return of Rev. John Wilson 

Winthrop visits Plymouth 

Pirates give Trouble to the Eastward 


Gorges and Mason Petition against us ... . 

Gardiner, Morton and Ratcliffe make Trouble . 

Thanksgiving over Friends preserved and Foes confounded 

Arrival of John Cotton, Thomas Hooker and John Haynes 

John Oldham goes Overland to the Connecticut 

The Blessing of the Bay sails to the Connecticut and the Dutch 

John Cotton made Teacher of the Boston Church 

Roger Williams at Salem takes Exception .... 

Two Sagamores and Most of their Folks die of Smallpox . 

The Lord directs through John Cotton the Support of the Ministers 


The Narragansetts lose Seven Hundred by Smallpox 

Controversy as to Women's wearing Veils . 

Satan bestirs himself to Distract the Churches 

Deputies sent from Towns to General Court 

The Killing of Hockin .... 

Thomas Dudley chosen Governor 

Four General Courts a Year, of Magistrates and Deputies 

News of the Founding of Maryland .... 

Archbishops and Others try to stay the Ships and annul the Patent 

Profitable Trade with Manhattan and the Kennebec Country . 

Newtown desires to Remove to Connecticut 

Legislation against Tobacco, Costly Apparel, etc. 

Threatenings of the Privy Council against our Patent 

The Cross cut out of the Ensign at Salem . 

Pequots desire our Friendship 

John Eliot, Friend of Massachusetts Indians 
The Dutch to the Westward cause Anxiety 









Interference from England feared .... 

Military Commission established 

John Haynes chosen Governor 

Endicott questioned about Defacing the Ensign . 

Disturbed Relations between Magistrates and Deputies 

Fear of the Schemes of Gorges and Mason 

Roger Williams called to Account for Dangerous Opinions 

The French capture Penobscot, a Plantation of Plymouth 

Arrival of Thomas Shepard and Hugh Peter 

Young Henry Vane, called to the Obedience of the Gospel, arrives 

Hugh Peter's Practical Good Sense 


Roger Williams gives Trouble .... 
Hugh Peter's Practical Benevolence . 
Vane and Peter set themselves up as Arbiters 
Flag devised leaving out the Cross 
Henry Vane elected Governor .... 
The King's Colors set up at Castle Island . 
Murder of John Oldham brings on the Pequot War 
Narragansetts remain Friendly .... 
Endicott's Expedition to Block Island 
Miantonomo received in Boston .... 
Anne Hutchinson gives Trouble .... 
Distraction in the New England Churches . 
The French claim most of the Maine Coast 
General Court and the Elders take Council 
John Cotton intervenes and is disapproved 


General Fast over the miserable Estate of the Churches 

Wheelwright questioned on Account of his Sermon 

Underbill sent to Connecticut with Soldiers 

Reluctance of Plymouth to take Part in the War 

Winthrop made Governor at stormy Session 

Cotton and Shepard as Reconcilers 

John Mason's Victory over the Pequots 

Discontent of Henry Vane .... 

Pequots dispersed and destroyed . 

Three hundred and sixty Immigrants in one Day 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges wishes to be Governor-General 

Pequot Survivors deported and enslaved 

Henry Vane departs for England 

A Movement toward Confederation of the Colonies 

Synod convened to deal with the Errors 



The Case of William Schooler 236 

Thanksgiving for Success in War and in the Synod .... 238 

Hutchinsonians disfranchised and banished 239 

Mrs. Hutchinson summoned before the Court 240 

A Short Story, etc., Composed and Sent to England .... 241 

Extract from the Short Story 242 

The Accusations of the Church against Mrs. Hutchinson . . . 243 

Her Defense 247 

Cotton's Admonition 248 

Her Unsatisfactory Answers 249 

She is Excommunicated 251 

Reflections upon her Conduct 252 

Journal resumed; Winthrop's Defense 256 


Erroneous Opinions still Prevailing 259 

Mrs. Hutchinson dealt with by the Church 260 

She is Excommunicated 263 

Hutchinsonians buy Aquidneck, an Island in Narragansett Bay . 264 

God's Displeasure at Mrs. Hutchinson shown by a monstrous Birth . 266 

A great Earthquake experienced 270 

Uncas the Mohican proffers Friendship 271 

Many Hutchinsonians go to Aquidneck ... . . . . 273 

Excuse given for not surrendering the Patent ..... 274 

Underbill suspected of Incontinence 275 

Evil of new Fashions and costly Apparel 279 

Massachusetts displeased with the Piscataqua Plantations . . . 280 

The Rowley Church bewail their Shortcomings 281 

Fast over Illness and Decay of Religion 283 

Cotton's Self-accusation 284 

The Devil bestirs himself 285 

Jealousies among the Colonies 287 

Letter to Mr. Hooker 290 

The Lord's Displeasure shown by heavy Snowstorm .... 291 


Error in the Church at Weymouth .... 

A Printing-House set up at Cambridge 

Hanserd Knollys at Piscataqua disapproved 

The Devil fetches away five Indians while powwowing 

Cotton defines how Ministers should be maintained . 

A thousand Soldiers exercised at Boston 

An embarrassing Letter from the Lords Commissioners 

Connecticut desires a Confederation of the Colonies . 




Winthrop reelected; the Towns jealous of their Liberties . . . 302 

Discussion as to a Standing Council for Life 303 

Popular Jealousy of the Magistrates 305 

God deprives Hooker, while preaching, of his Strength and Matter , 306 

Many People arrive and new Towns founded 308 

Vagaries of Roger Williams at Providence 309 

The College suffers at the Hands of Nathaniel Eaton . . . 310 
Captain Robert Keayne con vented for Extortion . . .315 

Commercial Ethics expounded by John Cotton 317 

Dispute over the Location of a new Mee ting-House . , . .318 

A Thief and a Murderer baulked by a special Providence . . . 322 

The Body of Laws submitted to the Towns for Consideration . . 323 

An Ordinance against drinking Healths 325 

The Elders and the Court on excessive Church-going . . . 325 


Knollys and Underbill make Acknowledgment of Guilt . . . 328 

Messengers of the Boston Church ill-received in Rhode Island . . 330 

Heresies of the Rev. Charles Chauncy 331 

John Humphrey and Lord Saye disparage New England and divert 

Men from thence 332 


Captain Cromwell visits Plymouth and Boston .... 
The Civil Magistrate may suggest but not convene the Synod . 
John Winthrop, jr., settles at Pequot River .... 
LaTour, Treacherous to his Friends, turns Pirate 
Mrs. Hutchinson's Young Daughter restored safe by the Indians 
The Dutch accuse New Haven of Encroachment 

A Synod convened 

Gorton and Followers complain in England .... 

Letter from the Commissioners for Plantations sustaining Gorton 

Messengers arrive from d'Aulnay and make an Agreement 

Uncas remonstrated with for Attacking at Pequot River . 

The General Court makes Defence against Gorton . 

Order of the Parliamentary Commissioners .... 

The Court defines the Nature of our Dependence on England . 

Mr. Edward Winslow to speak for us in England 

Robert Child and other Petitioners against us dealt with . 

The Petitioners fined 

Bellingham, Saltonstall and Bradstreet dissent; Dr. Child detained 
Text of the Remonstrance by Winslow in England . 
Winslow 's Commission and Instructions 






Rev. John Eliot's Methods of Instructing Indians .... 
Special Judgment upon those who have petitioned against us . 
Winthrop chosen Governor in spite of Opposition of Petitioners 
Synod reassembles at Cambridge; Rev. Ezekiel Rogers gives Offence 
Sickness prevails; Rev. Thomas Hooker and Mistress Winthrop die 
Meeting of the Commissioners of the United Colonies 

Fort at Saybrook burned 

Strict Order against selling Indians Fire-arms . 

A Quarantine established 

Peter Stujrvesant makes Courteous Overtures for Friendship 
The Dutch seize a Ship at New Haven .... 
Bitter Controversies between Dutch and English 
Hand of God against the Dutch in a Fearful Ship-wreck . 
The Gortonists give Trouble at their Settlement, now Warwick 
Winslow's Mission; Letters from the English Commissioners 



Dr. Robert Child's 111 Success in Traducing us in England 

The Gortonists make Overtures for Peace 

Stuyvesant desires to meet Winthrop and Bradford at Connecticut 

Arrival of Sir Edmund Plowden 

Margaret Jones indicted for Witchcraft 

The Welcome falls a-rolling through Witchcraft .... 
A Phantom Ship seen by many at New Haven .... 




)d at Cambridge 347 

^lan War against Uncas prevented . . 348 

. he Narragansetts are dealt with by the Commissioners .... 349 

The Church at Nansemond, Virginia, seeks our Aid and Advice . . 351 

The Power of Prayer made evident in Saving Men from Shipwreck . . 353 


The Righteous Hand of God shown against Profaners of his Day . . 354 


First Page of the Winthrop Manuscript. From the original in the 

Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society . . . Frontispiece 


The Royal Patent or Charter of March 4, 1629, to the Governor 
AND Company of the Massachusetts Bay. From the original in 
the office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts . 52 

William Wood's Map of the South Part of New England in 1634. 
From a copy of Wood's New England's Prospect, edition of 1634, in the 
New York Public Library (Lenox Building) 118 

Title-page op "A Short Story of the Rise, Reign and Ruine op the 
Antinomians." From a copy of the original edition in the New York 
Public Library (Lenox Building) 242 



I 630-1 649 

Vol. I 


The Journal of John Winthrop, founder of the colony of 
Massachusetts Bay in New England, recording the story of 
that colony during the first nineteen years of its existence, 
must always have an interest not only for New England but 
for America in general, and indeed for the world at large. 
Though a few Englishmen may have made a precarious lodg- 
ment on the New England coast before 1620, no proper settle- 
ment took place until December of that year, when the Pilgrims 
landed at Plymouth. Ten years later, in 1630, came Winthrop 's 
company. After the lapse of another ten years, during which 
time the English in New England increased to about twenty 
thousand, the immigration suddenly ceased ; with the opening 
of the Long Parliament the grievances which had driven into 
exile so many of the non-conformists no longer pressed heavily. 
For almost two hundred years the New England stock received 
no further accretion from home and almost no new elements. 
An isolated, homogeneous population, it multiplied largely 
within itself, and began at the end of the eighteenth century 
to send its children westward.^ 

What the twenty thousand Puritan Englishmen and their 
descendants have accompUshed is worth taking note of. 
Almost at once, dating from the early years of the settlement, a 
curious reaction set back from the new world across the At- 
lantic: New England became the leader of Old England. As 
the combat deepened between Court and Parhament the ''New 
England Way" began more and more to prevail, and 
the New England way was Independency. This, finding such 
promoters as Cromwell, Milton and Vane, at last resulted in 
the Commonwealth, a political construction short-Uved, but 

* Palfrey, History of New England, I., Preface. 


under which England was indeed a mighty and puissant 

As New England waxed in numbers her vigor and influence 
continued to be impressively manifest. When a hundred 
years had passed, the pre-natal throes of the great Federal 
Repubhc were convulsing the Thirteen Colonies which now 
fringed the coast of the Atlantic. In this agitation New 
England had the initiative: within her borders it was that a 
spirit of resistance to British encroachments upon freedom 
first awoke ; it was her sons who devised most of the methods 
through which resistance became effective ; and it was her soil 
which was first bloodstained when at last the clash took place. 
In establishing the United States, while Washington, Jefferson, 
Madison, Marshall, Hamilton, are figures of supreme interest, 
the New Englanders James Otis, Franklin, Samuel and John 
Adams were perhaps not less indispensable. Massachusetts, 
one of the thirteen, furnished probably more than one-quarter 
of the fighting men.^ 

In the civilized world in general during the century and a 
quarter that has followed our Revolution, nations everywhere 
have accommodated themselves more and more to a demo- 
cratic basis ^ and in this vast and widespread reconstruction a 
live wire of influence may be traced back even to dynamos in 
the popularly governed communities that sprang out of the 
enterprises of Winthrop and Bradford. 

Nor is the vigor of the twenty-thousand and their children 
yet spent : it may be traced at the present moment in each one 
of the forty-six United States and in the world beyond: in its 
ancient home, though wave after wave of new-comers, Celtic, 

* J. Wingate Thornton, The Historical Relations of New England to the 
English Commonwealth (Boston, 1874); Charles Borgeaud, Ri^e of Modern 
Democracy in Old and New England, p. 37; J. K. Hosmer, Young Sir Harry 
Vane, p. 166 et seqq. 

' For a summary of authority on which to base the claim for New England's 
initiative in our Revolution, see J. K. Hosmer, Samuel Adams, p. 11 et seqq. 

' J. K. Hosmer, Short History of Anglo-Saxon Freedom, ch. xviii. 


Latin, Slav, have within the two past generations overswept 
the EngUsh seed which the Mayflower and Arbella with their 
httle consorts distributed, it is the old stock that is still in the 
fore-front. Winthrop, Bradford, Adams, Quincy, Lowell, 
Hoar, Sherman, Savage, Saltonstall, Brewster, Eliot, Phillips, 
Brooks, Emerson, Hawthorne, Endicott, Winslow, Cushman, 
Higginson, and many more, are names in om- own day, domi- 
nant, often briUiantly distinguished, in various ways, the same 
names that are borne on the hsts of men who shipped for New 
England when the Star Chamber and the High Commission 
Court were pressing with heavy hand. 

A stock so persistent, so virile, so widely eminent, claims 
attention in every period of its course, and naturally a special 
interest attaches to its earliest American memorials. The dis- 
covery and restoration to Massachusetts of the long-lost journal 
of William Bradford, governor of Plymouth, was a matter of 
almost national rejoicing. A reprint of this is included in 
the present series.* Scarcely less treasured is the journal 
of John Winthrop, governor of Massachusetts Bay, a reprint 
of which is here introduced; — and what of the man and his 

The fortunes of the Winthrop family^ were established by 
Adam Winthrop, whose life extended from 1498 to 1562; after 
a prosperous career as a clothier, he was granted the freedom 
of the city of London in 1526, and after 1548 was permitted to 
write himself armiger, or esquire, so attaining to the gentry. 
In 1544 he had obtained the manor of Groton, in Suffolk, till 
then belonging to the monastery of Bury St. Edmimds, thus 
profiting as did so many Englishmen, high and low-born, from 
the dissolution of the monasteries. A fine contemporary por- 
trait presents a face marked by resolution and good sense, 
surmounted by such a cap as often marks the portraits of the 

* Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation, edited by W. T. Davis. 
^ Robert C. Winthrop, Life and Letters of John Winthrop; C. Harding Firth, 
article "John Winthrop" in Dictionary of National Biography. 


Reformation period, the figure below attired in a rich fur- 
trimmed over-garment. His third son, Adam, being educated 
as a lawyer, reached responsibilities and distinctions that ad- 
vanced the family. For fifteen years, 1594 to 1609, he was 
auditor of St. John's and Trinity Colleges, Cambridge. Dying 
in 1623, after being twice married, he left four daughters, their 
mother being a sister of Bishop John Still ; and, by a second 
wife, an only son, John, who became founder of the colony of 
Massachusetts Bay in New England. 

John Winthrop was born in 1588, his mother being Anne 
Browne, daughter of a well-to-do tradesman, through whom 
presumably the possessions of the Winthrops were enhanced. 
In boyhood he was admitted to Trinity College, Cambridge, 
but his course was interrupted by his sudden marriage, at the 
age of seventeen, with Mary Forth, an heiress, the mother of 
John Winthrop, jr., governor of Connecticut, and other sons 
and daughters. Mary Winthrop died in 1615, whereupon 
Winthrop speedily married Thomasine Clopton ; who surviving 
only a year, he took as third wife Margaret Tyndale, daughter 
of Sir John Tyndale. This lady, though dying before her hus- 
band, in 1647, giving place to a fourth wife, is the Mistress 
Winthrop whom we know best.^ 

When John Winthrop thus in 1605 assumed, as we should 
say so prematurely, the responsibilities of a man, James I. had 
been two years on the throne. From the days of Henry VIII. 
the family at Groton had been devotedly Protestant, a loyalty 
perhaps helped by the fact that a return of England to the 
ancient church would impair the title to their handsome estate. 
As the Church of England took shape with the sovereign at 
its head and the establishment of an elaborate hierarchy below, 
no family was more zealous for the new order than the Win- 
throps. From the old Romanism they held strictly aloof; and 
on the other hand they had nothing in common with the 

'Alice Morse Earle, Margaret Winthrop (1895); J. Anderson, Margaret 
Tyndale, in Memorable Women of the Puritan Times, p. 120 et seqq. (1862). 


Separatists, the Protestants who as the sixteenth century ad- 
vanced, dissatisfied with what they held to be the half-way 
reformation of the EstabUshed Church, broke out from its 
fold into various extremes of belief. Far on in life, John 
Winthrop was destined to show sympathy with the ideas of 
Robert Browne, one of the best known and perhaps least 
esteemed among the Separatists, the founder of certain inde- 
pendent congregations some of which were driven out of 
England for their refusal to submit to authority. But, in an 
earlier time, while steadfast in their allegiance to the Church 
of England, it was with the so-called non-conformists that the 
Winthrops ranged themselves, the large class who, when the 
sovereigns and higher prelates sought to set up a rituahstic 
order akin to the ecclesiasticism which the country had for- 
saken, declared for a ceremonial simpler and without Romish 

From the family memorials, which have been preserved to 
a remarkable extent, we know that the elder Adam Winthrop, 
though for the most part a man of affairs, was intellectually 
active; still more so was the second Adam, who, while manag- 
ing the business of the Cambridge colleges, yet was a profuse 
inditer of letters and diaries; John Winthrop, carrying still 
farther the tradition, became one of the most voluminous of 
writers, letters, journals, tracts and books following each other 
abundantly from his youth to the day of his death. An 
atmosphere of stem Puritanism pervades the memorials of 
grandfather, father and son. In particular the letters of John 
Winthrop, even on the ordinary occasions of life, are so clouded 
by a Calvinistic piety that it is hard to get, through the 
theologizing, the simple fact he desires to convey. Yet 
evidence is not wanting that the Winthrops in these early 
generations had plenty of worldly wisdom, steering shrewdly 
in the public turmoil, swelling the patrimony prudently 
by marriage jointures, and wasting nothing in unprofitable 
ventures. John Winthrop in private life was certainly an 


excellent husband, father and householder; and as a 
citizen early obtained through good judgment, balance, 
and steadfast courage, a wide influence among the Puritan 

Winthrop's plan for emigrating to America was not long 
entertained before it was carried out. In 1626 he became an 
attorney, and in 1628 a member of the Inner Temple, thus as- 
suming positions which seem to imply an intention of fixed 
residence. The earliest hint of his purpose to remove is con- 
veyed in a letter to his wife of May 15, 1629, in which his dis- 
content with the condition of England is made plain, with an 
intimation of his future course. Charles I. had just dissolved 
Parliament, the antagonism between the High Church and 
Prerogative men on the one hand and those of a freer spirit 
on the other, having become acute. To earnest men of Win- 
throp's views England was becoming a place no longer fit to 
dwell in. He had passed into middle age and was bound by 
many ties to his native land, but he now embarked upon an 
enterprise of the boldest. 

As Winthrop here turns his face toward the new world, we 
must note briefly the facts of its exploration and settlement up 
to this time.^ The basis of the English claim to rights in 
North America rested on the discoveries of Cabot; since the 
French were equally well provided with a title through the 
voyage of Verrazano, a contention arose not settled until the 
days of Pitt and Wolfe. In the first years of the seventeenth 
century lived in southern England an active knight. Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, who, though bearing a name of Spanish or 
Italian sound, was nevertheless a thorough Englishman in 
quality and birth. Associated with the Earl of Essex, in 
Elizabeth's time, he drew upon himself, and probably merited, 
odium, by later testifying against him. But he was persistent 
and courageous, and after a career against Spain in the navy 
received the post of governor of Plymouth. 

* jPalfrey, History of New England, vol. I, 


Gorges, in connection with Sir John Popham, chief-justice 
of the King's Bench, brought into existence in 1606 the Virginia 
Company, a corporation with a patent from the King, which 
presently, divided into two sections known as the London 
Company and the Plymouth Company, set forth strenuously 
to possess the great territory. The earliest result of the 
effort was Jamestown, founded in 1607. The attempts farther 
north were at first less successful. A colony sent to the 
Kennebec neighborhood by Gorges and Popham, in 1607, dis- 
heartened by misfortune and winter severities, had no success. 
Popham died, but Gorges continued indefatigable: his enter- 
prises followed each other, never resulting in anything more 
than Uttle groups of fishermen or traders clinging precariously 
to the coast. As the century proceeded and in England the 
strife arose between King and Parliament, Sir Ferdinando 
sided with the King. The successes in New England coloniza- 
tion were won by the Pmitans, but for many a year, as Win- 
throp's Journal often evidences, the enterprises of the old 
cavaher, in Maine and New Hampshire, disquieted the Puritan 

Of the settlement of the Mayflower Pilgrims no account is 
required here.^ In the years following their establishment in 
1620, Bradford's colonists ranged north and south making well 
known the coast of New England, from Manhattan, where the 
Dutch had fixed themselves in 1613, to the region of Maine, 
where they met the French from Port Royal and its outposts. 
Adventurers from Plymouth, or brought in by the ships which 
now frequented these waters, settled around Massachusetts 
Bay. Thomas Weston attempted a post at Wessagusset, now 
Weymouth, in 1622; Thomas Morton in 1625, was at Merry 
Mount; John Oldham at Hull or Natascott; Wilham Black- 
stone built a house on the peninsula of Trimount, as did Thomas 
Walford at Mishawum, now Charlestown, and Samuel Maverick 
at Winnisimmet, now Chelsea. A few years after the May- 

* See Bradford's History, edited by W. T. Davis. 


flower's coming, an enterprise more markedly Puritan than 
before sought to gain a footing on Cape Ann. Its ruhng 
spirit was John White, minister of Dorchester in England. 
Forsaking the bleak promontory for Naumkeag, now Salem, 
and receiving reinforcements, among whom John Endicott in 
1628 and Francis Higginson in 1629 were the leaders, these 
planters were the immediate precursors of the settlement with 
which at present we have to deal. 

The London Company, the part of the Virginia Company 
designed to exploit the southern field, falling into difficulties 
and incurring the royal displeasure. Gorges and his friends 
obtained, in 1620, a new incorporation, the Council for New 
England. Its membership was distinguished, and the terri- 
tory which it was authorized to administer extended from sea 
to sea between the fortieth and forty-eighth parallels. In 
1628 this Council for New England granted to Sir Henry 
Roswell, Sir John Young, Thomas Southcote, John Humfrey, 
John Endicott, and Simon Whitcomb, Massachusetts, a strip 
running from sea to sea, with its northward limit three miles 
north of the Merrimac, and its southward limit three miles south 
of the Charles. That this grant became something more than 
a mere voluntary partnership without corporate powers, is 
due especially to the agency of John White, of Dorchester. He 
was zealous and widely influential among the Puritans, and 
it is attributed to him that, the company having been much 
enlarged by royal charter, a corporation was sanctioned, 
under the title of ^'The Governor and the Company of the 
Massachusetts Bay in New England." The charter gave 
power forever to the freemen of the company to elect each year 
a governor, deputy-governor, and eighteen assistants, on the 
last Wednesday of Easter term, and to make laws consistent 
with those of England. Four meetings were to be regularly 
held, with provision also for special occasions. The magistrates 
were empowered to administer the oaths of supremacy and 
allegiance ; new associates might be admitted, and the corpora- 


tion was empowered to defend itself against attack by sea or 
land. As to religious liberty the charter has nothing to say/ 

Under this charter a new government was now organized, 
April 30, 1629. Thirteen councillors were elected, to hold 
office for a year, of whom seven beside the governor were to 
be appointed by the company at home; these eight were to 
appoint three others ; the two remaining were to be elected by 
the "old planters," the men on the spot, the pioneers of the 
colony. Matthew Cradock, a London merchant of repute, who 
appears later in the Long ParHament, being named as governor, 
instructs Endicott, who had gone over the previous year, and 
is agent, that the propagation of the gospel is'Hhe thing they do 
profess above all other aims;" the colonists are to be carefully 
watched and restrained. Tobacco is to be cultivated only under 
severe restrictions ; Massachusetts Bay, by which was then xm- 
derstood Boston harbor and its neighborhood, is to be secured ; 
persons who may prove "not conformable to their government" 
shall not be allowed to remain within the limits of their grant. 

Six vessels were now dispatched containing three hundred 
men, eighty women and maids, twenty-six children, one hun- 
dred and forty head of cattle, and forty goats, with all needful 
furnishings and appliances. Francis Higginson, the most in- 
teresting figure of this large and well-provided company, was 
a Cambridge scholar, of Emmanuel College, and later had been 
rector of a church in Leicester. Cotton Mather, writing in 1697, 
gives a tradition of Higginson which perhaps may be accepted :^ 

"They sailed from the Isle of Wight about the 1st of May, 
1629, and when they came to the Land's End, Mr. Higginson, 
calling up his children and other passengers to the stern of the 
ship to take their last sight of England, said: We will not 
say, as the Separatists were wont to say at their leaving of 

* The venerable document is still preserved in the office of the Secretary of 
State in Massachusetts. The text is given in Poore's Charters and Constitutions, 
and elsewhere. 

* Magnolia Christi Americana, Book iii., part 2, chap, ii., section 12. 


England, Farewell Babylon, farewell Rome! but we will say, 
farewell dear England! farewell the Church of God in England, 
and all the Christian friends there! We do not go to New 
England as Separatists from the Church of England, though 
we cannot but separate from the corruptions in it, but we go 
to practise the positive part of church reformation, and propa- 
gate the gospel in America." He concluded with a fervent 
prayer for the Iling and church and state in England and all 
the Christian friends there. 

The six ships, though not saiUng together, all arrived in 
June, and at once the plantation, till then but an unorganized 
knot of adventurous people, became estabhshed as a proper 
commimity. Steps were taken to form a church with Samuel 
Skelton for teacher and Higginson for pastor.^ Even thus 
early can be noted a drifting away from old moorings. Where- 
as Higginson in his affectionate leavetaking, just quoted, dis- 
claimed sympathy with the Separatists and spoke with love 
of the Church of England, now the Plymouth Separatists were 
invited to the ordination, Bradford and other delegates taking 
pains to come. Though the Plymouth men did not arrive in 
time to take part they gave their sanction to the ceremonies, 
which showed a wide departure from church methods — a lay- 
ing-on of hands and other forms of consecration, more than fore- 
shadowing the Congregationalism that was about to prevail. 

At once appeared disapproval of such departures from the 
old order. The brothers John and Samuel Browne, prominent 
among the councillors, took exception to the new religious 
methods, setting up worship with the Book of Common Prayer 
and leading a group faithful to the old Church. These men 
were promptly seized and sent back to England, Endicott 
being the leader, and here began the policy of intolerance, so 
marked a feature of early New England. 

' In important churches the heavy duty made two ministers necessary, whose 
functions seem to have differed little, though one was called pastor and the other 
teacher. See Mr. Davis's note in Bradford, p. 26. 


Since the seventeenth century the civilized world has come 
to see in toleration one of the first virtues of a community. 
The narrowness of the founders of New England has received 
heavy condemnation. It was a marked trait and Winthrop's 
Journal illustrates its prevalence in the record of each year. 
But the intolerance of our forefathers has found apologists in 
authorities whom we must respect. Says Palfrey : ' ' ReUgious 
intolerance is criminal wherever it is not necessary to the 
public safety; it is simply self-defense whenever tolerance 
would be public ruin. ... It is an idle casuistry which con- 
demns the earlier comer and the stronger possessor for insisting 
on the unshared occupation of his place of residence. ... It is 
preposterous to maintain that the right to exclude is not his, 
or that its exercise is not his bounden duty."^ Of the early 
New England intolerance, first plainly shown in the persecu- 
tion of the Brownes, and so often appearing during the period 
with which we have to do, against Antinomians, Familists, 
Baptists, Quakers, Catholics, this may certainly be said, that 
although unamiable, repulsive indeed to the modem spirit, 
it preserved the colony from being wiped out of existence. 

The first enterprise after the plantation had been, so to 
speak, set on its feet after Higginson's arrival, was the dis- 
patching of a party to survey and occupy Mishawum, now 
Charlestown, on Massachusetts Bay, an imdertaking enjoined 
by the heads of the company, who feared a forestalling by 
Englishmen not of their Company who might assert rights 
under a supposed patent issued to Gorges. Before the summer 
of 1629 closed, therefore, the Salem men, for the Indian name 
of Naumkeag was now exchanged for a Hebrew title, occupied 
a point on what is now Boston harbor, which henceforth be- 
comes the centre of interest in the story of New England. 

' Palfrey, I. 300. See also H. M. Dexter, As to Roger Williams, and John A. 
Vinton, The Antinomian Controversy of 1637. For strong arraignments of the 
Puritans, see Peter Oliver, Puritan Commonwealth, and Brooks Adams, Emanci- 
pation of Massachusetts. See also an interesting passage in C. F. Adams, Three 
Episodes of Massachusetts History, 1. 248. 


Meantime important events were taking place in England. 
The public trouble, becoming always more acute, caused many- 
men to despair of England; and on August 26 a company 
of such persons, possessing means and good position, meeting 
at Cambridge, resolved as follows: 

''We will be ready in our persons, and with such of our 
several families that are to go with us, to embark (for New 
England) by the 1st of March next, . . . provided always that 
before the last of September next the whole government, 
together with the patent for the said plantation, be first legally 
transferred."^ The first suggestion of a transfer of the govern- 
ment and patent came from Matthew Cradock. Such a trans- 
ference was pronounced legal by the lawyers consulted, though 
since that time the transformation of a hcense for a trading 
corporation into a charter for a political establishment has 
been pronounced fraudulent and without color of the law.^ 
These twelve considerable men, of most of whom Winthrop's 
Journal has much to record, were Sir Richard Saltonstall, 
Thomas Dudley, Wilham Vassall, Nicholas West, Jolin Win- 
throp, Kellam Browne, Isaac Johnson, John Humfrey, John 
Sharpe, Increase Nowell, William Pinchon, and William Col- 
bron.^ On September 19, 1629, Winthrop's presence, on a 
committee, at a court of the company is recorded, on which 
date, therefore, began his active part in the momentous un- 

Winthrop writes July 28, 1629, ''My brother Downing and 
myself, riding into Lincolnshire by Ely, my horse fell under 
me in a bogge in the fennes so as I was almost to the waist 
in water; but the Lord preserved me from further danger, 
Blessed be his name."* 

Winthrop here had a narrow escape, perhaps from death, 

' Hvichinson Papers, Prince Society ed., I. 28. 

' Oliver, Puritan Commonwealth, 19 et seqq. See Palfrey's argument and 
citations, I. 306. 

' Winthrop, Lije and Letters, I. 347. 
*Ibid., 1. 304. 


on the threshold of his New England service. Emanuel 
Downing, his companion, we shall often encounter hereafter. 
The two rode out of Suffolk to meet at Sempringham Isaac 
Johnson, son-in-law of the Earl of Lincoln. Another son-in-law 
was John Humfrey; both men embarked in the New England 
experiment. This visit of Winthrop, which so nearly proved 
disastrous, had no doubt an important relation to his decision. 
On October 20, at a court held at the house of Thomas Goffe, 
Winthrop was elected governor, Humfrey deputy-governor, 
and eighteen others assistants. Humfrey's departure from 
England being delayed, Thomas Dudley became deputy- 
governor in his place. 

Winthrop, now forty-two years old, had gone through 
experiences to ripen him thoroughly. He had thrice married, 
had many children and grandchildren. He had a property of 
six or seven hundred pounds a year, perhaps equivalent to eight 
times as much at the present day. In administering this, and 
in discharging the functions of the legal profession which he 
had followed many years, he had gained a wide knowledge of 
affairs and exhibited abilities which made him conspicuous.^ 
All efforts were now bent toward the equipment and despatch 
of an expedition such as had never before left England for 
America. When things were ready Reverend John Cotton, 
selected probably as being the most noted of the non-conform- 
ist divines of the times, proceeded to Southampton to the 
assembling fleet and performed the same office which had 
been performed ten years before by John Robinson, on the 
departure of the Plymouth pilgrims from Delfshaven. Cotton's 
sermon, God's Promise to his Plantation, is still extant.^ 

Leaving Winthrop to tell the further story of the Massa- 
chusetts settlement, it is now in place to describe the venerable 
manuscript and the fortunes that have befallen it. The 
Journal was contained in three note-books, which appear to 

' Winthrop, Life and Letters, I. 348. 
' Old South Leaflet, no. 53. 


have been cared for after Winthrop's death in 1649 by his 
Connecticut descendants. The first note-book has no title, 
but the second and third were inscribed by him ''Continuation 
of the History of New England," — a misnomer certainly, for of 
New England outside of Massachusetts Bay it is a most im- 
perfect account. The three manuscripts were in the hands 
of the older New England historians, Wilham Hubbard, Cotton 
Mather and Thomas Prince. In our revolutionary period, 
Governor Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut became inter- 
ested in the Journal. But two note-books, however, had come 
back to the Connecticut Winthrops, the third manuscript for 
a time being lost. 

Governor Trumbull and his intelligent secretary, John 
Porter, carefully deciphered and copied the two documents, 
and the transcript coming to the notice of Noah Webster, of 
dictionary fame, he caused it to be printed at Hartford in 1790, 
himself furnishing a short introduction and a few notes. The 
value of the Journal was generally recognized, and much 
regret was felt that the work was incomplete. It was an oc- 
casion of rejoicing therefore, when in 1816 the long-lost third 
book of the manuscript was discovered in the tower of the Old 
South Church, in Boston. Its pubhcation, as an addition to 
the Hartford book of 1790, was at once undertaken by the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, the work being committed 
to the editorship of James Savage, a young and zealous mem- 
ber. Savage was a man most accurate and indefatigable: 
having transcribed the third note-book, he proceeded to com- 
pare the 1790 publication with the first and second note-books 
which it reproduced. He found that the work of his prede- 
cessors, though in general correct, contained many minor 
inaccuracies. He concluded that a new transcription of the 
two note-books was necessary, and planned to supplement 
the text with an elaborate body of notes. The Massachusetts 
Historical Society having secured legislative aid, the work 
was vigorously prosecuted, and in 1825-1826 the entire Journal 


appeared, profusely annotated, in two substantial well-printed 
volumes, entitled The History of New England from 1630 to 
1649, by John Winthrop, Esq., First Governour of the Colony 
of the Massachusetts Bay. 

The Winthrop of 1825-1826 took its place at once in the 
minds of men as the foundation of Massachusetts history, and 
the importance of the services of Savage was imiversally 
recognized: he became henceforth a man of mark, attained to 
the position of president of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, and devoted himself to the genealogical and antiqua- 
rian work into which he had been led through his labors upon 
Winthrop. When, after twenty-five years, the edition of 
1825-1826 was out of print, he revised his work, made some 
additions to his notes, and gave to the world in 1853 a new 
edition. This, too, after having served a most excellent 
purpose for more than half a century, is out of print, making 
necessary still another reproduction. 

Savage having long since passed, greatly honored, to his 
account, the present editor, with the approval of the general 
editor of the series, has proceeded as follows: First, he has 
adopted without change the transcript of the text made by 
Savage. Careful tests of the accuracy of Savage's work here 
have been made, a comparison having been instituted in many 
parts between the original and the copy. It is plain that 
Savage was in the highest degree painstaking, and the examina- 
tion renders it certain that the transcript could not well be 
more correct. Savage, as many think unfortunately, modern- 
ized Winthrop 's spelling, and wrote out in full abbreviated 
words. It is desirable that the manuscript as it lies in the 
archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society should be 
carefully photographed. Some day perhaps it will be worth 
while to transcribe and reprint verbatim et literatim. As regards 
historical ends, however, Winthrop's record is satisfactorily 
rendered by Savage, and to make a new transcript is unneces- 
sary. It must be said that the second note-book of the original, 


while in Savage's hands, was through ill-luck in 1825 destroyed 
by fire ; this portion of the record therefore is extant only in 
the copies. 

Secondly, as to the annotation, the work of Savage has 
been replaced in the present reprint by a scheme much more 
compendious and simple. The former editor had peculiarities 
of character making him personally racy and interesting, but 
impairing the excellence of his commentary. His successor in 
the presidency of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Mr. 
Charles Francis Adams, aptly compares him to Dr. Samuel 
Johnson. Like Johnson, Savage while most laborious, scrupu- 
lously honest, and always resolute and unshrinking, was testy, 
prejudiced and opinionated; he was prone to measure by small 
local standards. These pecuharities constantly appear in his 
notes, which are often in a high degree prolix, in some portions 
of the books largely exceeding in bulk the text. They are 
encumbered with genealogies of unimportant people and de- 
tails as to trivial events and obscure localities. WTiile pos- 
sessed thus by the spirit of the county antiquary rather than 
by the broad temper of the proper historian, his hates and 
loves, equally undiscriminating, are curiously, often amusingly, 
manifest: he has his betes noires, like William Hubbard, 
Thomas Welde and Cotton Mather, whom he cannot mention 
without dealing a stout Johnsonian cuff ; and also his favorites, 
of whose shortcomings he is always blandly unconscious. It 
will be worth while some day to reprint the vast body of 
Savage's notes not only because they are a mine of learning, 
(bearing often upon trifles, but often too upon important 
things), but also because the annotation has much interest as 
a ''human document," pleasantly tart from the individuaUty 
of a quaintly provincial but sincere and vigorous mind.* 

' In 1906 a fine bust of Savage was placed in the rooms of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society, on which occasion he was elaborately and happily characterized 
by the president, Mr. Charles Francis Adams. See Proceedings of the Society 
for that year. 


In making the notes to the present edition the point of 
view sought has been that of a student of history in a large 
sense. The Anglo-Saxon race is but one of the races of the 
world ; the United States forms but one of the Enghsh-speaking 
nations; Massachusetts is one of forty-six commonwealths, 
the story of each of which is an essential part of the story of our 
country. There were many other settlements upon our shores 
beside those made by Englishmen, and several other English 
settlements beside that guided by Winthrop, which have 
affected powerfully America and the world. Winthrop's 
Journal is only one among a group of interesting records, an 
important one of the group, but the incidents it relates must 
not be unduly magnified; just proportioning must not be neg- 
lected in the perspective. In the notes nothing more has been 
attempted than to make plain the language of the narrative, 
to fill out the story when too meagrely related, and to describe 
more at length the principal personages. Winthrop's work is 
rough and hurried; he probably intended to base upon it an 
account more carefully written ; it needs to be supplemented, 
but the attempt has been made to do no more than is neces- 
sary to a clear understanding. 

The work of preparing this edition has been done in the 
Boston Pubhc and Harvard Libraries, with some use also of 
the Boston Athenseum, and especially of the original manu- 
scripts in the archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 
Nearly all the literature extant bearing upon the topic has 
been at hand. Winthrop and his circle left many letters and 
documents that are illuminative, which are contained in the 
appendix to Savage's edition, in Robert C. Winthrop, Life and 
Letters of John Winthrop, and in the Collections of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society, fourth series, vols. VI., VII. (1863, 
1865), and fifth series, vol. I. (1871) ; the manuscripts of the 
Winthrop family, extant to a remarkable degree, are also pre- 
served by the Society. The Massachusetts Colonial Records, 
complete from the year 1630, the records of the First Church 


in Boston, and of the neighboring churches, now in general 
printed, letters of Thomas Dudley, and of other companions, 
Johnson's Wonder-Working Providence, Ward's Simple Cohler 
of Aggawam, Thomas Morton's New English Canaan, the narra- 
tive of Bradford, governor of Plymouth, tracts and sermons of 
John Cotton and other ministers — these and many more con- 
temporary documents throw light on the time. 

Of the general histories of New England and Massachusetts, 
written since Winthrop's time, may be mentioned as secondary 
authorities of more or less value, Hubbard, General History of 
New England from 1620 to 1680, published about the latter 
date. Cotton Mather, Magnolia Christi Americana (1702); 
Prince, Chronological History of New England (1736) ; Hutchin- 
son, History of Massachusetts Bay (1764); Barry, History of 
Massachusetts (1855) ; Palfrey, History of New England (1858) ; 
Justin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. 
III., and Memorial History of Boston, vol. I. Special phases of 
Massachusetts history, including aspects of Winthrop's com- 
munity, are treated in C. F. Adams, Three Episodes of Massa- 
chusetts History (1892); Oliver, The Puritan Commonwealth 
(1856); Brooks Adams, The Emancipation of Massachusetts 
(1893); Ellis, The Puritan Age and Rule (1888); M. C. Tyler, 
History of American Literature, vol. I. (1878, 1897), and 
J. A. Doyle, English in America, vol. 11. (1887). The bi- 
ographical dictionaries of John Eliot and William Allen, both 
published in 1809, and the Genealogical Dictionary of Savage, 
relating especially to New England, are valuable. All these 
have aided the present editor in his work. In the case of 
many notes, however, the information has been condensed from 
the learning of Savage, and sometimes his work has been 
quoted in full. 

James Kendall Hosmer. 



I 63 0-1649 




I 630-1 649 

Anno Domini 1630, March 29, Monday. 

Easter Monday.]* Riding at the Cowes, near the Isle of 
Wight, in the Arbella,^ a ship of three hundred and fifty tons, 
whereof Capt. Peter Milbome was master, being manned with 
fifty-two seamen, and twenty-eight pieces of ordnance, (the 
wind coming to the N. by W. the evening before,) in the morn- 
ing there came aboard us Mr. Cradock,^ the late governor, and 

•The use of the designation "Easter Monday" is significant. Winthrop 
has not yet broken from the Church of England, and retains the ecclesiastical 
name. After reaching New England came a sudden dropping of all reference 
to church holidays. Note that in Winthrop's chronology, March is the first 
month of the year, and February the twelfth, — September, October, November 
and December becoming thus literally the seventh, eighth, ninth and tenth 
months. As to New Year's Day an awkward diversity prevailed in the seven- 
teenth century; it was sometimes the 1st, sometimes the 25th of March. In the 
Journal New Year's Day is generally March 1st, but not always. Winthrop 
gives dates sometimes by means of two numerals, the first denoting the month, 
the second the day; for instance, "7, 6" is the 6th of September; more rarely 
the day precedes; sometimes "Mo." stands before the figure denoting a month; 
when but one number precedes an entry, it usually denotes the day, the month 
number having been given previously once for all, when the month begins. 

* The ship was named for the Lady Arbella Johnson, who was of the com- 

' Matthew Cradock, a rich London merchant, the first head of the Mas- 
sachusetts Company, who, however, never came to the colony. A noteworthy 
service of Cradock's was the proposal, July 28, 1629, to transfer the government 
by the company from London to the colony itself, a measure fraught with im- 
portant consequences. Cradock maintained a small plantation on the Mystic 
River. He was a member of the Long Parliament, and is believed to have died 
about 1644. 



the masters of his two ships, Capt. John Lowe, master of the 
Ambrose, and Mr. Nicholas Hurlston, master of the Jewel, and 
Mr. Thomas Beecher, master of the Talbot, (which three ships 
rode then by us, — the Charles, the Mayflower,^ the William and 
Francis, the Hopewell, the Whale, the Success and the Trial 
being still at Hampton^ and not ready,) when, upon conference, 
it was agreed, that (in regard it was uncertain when the rest of 
the fleet would be ready) these four ships should consort to- 
gether; the Arbella to be admiral,' the Talbot vice-admiral, 
the Ambrose rear-admiral, and the Jewel a captain; and ac- 
cordingly articles of consortship were drawn between the said 
captains and masters; whereupon Mr. Cradock took leave of 
us, and our captain gave him a farewell with four or five shot. 

About ten of the clock we weighed anchor and set sail, with 
the wind at N., and came to an anchor again over against Yar- 
mouth, and the Talbot weighed likewise, and came and an- 
chored by us. Here we met with a ship of Hampton, called 
the Plantation, newly come from Virginia. Our captain sa- 
luted her, and she us again; and the master, one Mr. [blank] 
Graves [?], came on board our ship, and stayed with us about 
two or three hours, and in the meantime his ship came to 
an anchor by us. 

Tuesday, 30.] In the morning, about ten of the clock, 
the wind being come to the W. with fair weather, we weighed 
and rode nearer Yarmouth. When we came before the town, 
the castle put forth a flag; our captain saluted them, and 
they answered us again. The Talbot, which rode farther off, 
saluted the castle also. 

Here we saw, close by the shore of the Isle of Wight, a 
Dutch ship of one thousand tons, which, being bound to the 
East Indies, about two years since, in passing through the 
Needles, struck upon a rock, and being forced to run ashore 

' This has been supposed to be the Mayflower of the Plymouth Pilgrims. 

^ Southampton. 

^ In modern phrase, flag-ship. 


to save her men, could never be weighed since, although she 
lies a great height above the water, and yet she hath some men 
aboard her. 

Wednesday, 31.] The wind continued W. and S. W. with 
rain. Our captain and some of our company went to Yar- 
mouth for supply of wood and other provisions ; (our captain 
was still careful to fill our empty casks with water). 

Thursday, April 1.] The wind continued veiy strong at 
W. and by S. with much rain. 

Friday, 2.] We kept a fast aboard our ship and the Talbot. 
The wind continued still very high at W. and S. and rainy. 
In the time of our fast, two of our landmen pierced a rundlet 
of strong water, and stole some of it, for which we laid them 
in bolts all the night, and the next morning the principal was 
openly whipped, and both kept with bread and water that day. 

Saturday, 3.] The wind continued still at W. and with 
continual storms and rain. 

Sunday, 4.] Fair, clear weather. In the morning the wind 
W. and by N., but in the afternoon S. S. W. This evening 
the Talbot weighed and went back to the Cowes, because her 
anchor would not hold here, the tide set with so strong a race. 

Monday, 5.] The wind still W. and S. with fair weather. 
A maid of Sir Richard SaltonstalP fell down at the grating by 
the cook-room, but the carpenter's man, who occasioned her 
fall unwittingly, caught hold of her with incredible nimbleness, 
and saved her; otherwise she had fallen into the hold. 

Tuesday, 6.] Capt. Burleigh, captain of Yarmouth castle, 
a grave, comely gentleman, and of great age, came aboard us 
and stayed breakfast, and, offering us much courtesy, he de- 
parted, our captain giving him four shot out of the forecastle 
for his farewell. He was an old sea captain in Queen EHza- 
beth's time, and, being taken prisoner at sea, was kept prisoner 

' Sir Richard Saltonstall, son of a lord mayor of London, was founder of a 
family prominent in every generation of Massachusetts history, and still well 
maintained. The knight himself returned to England, leaving sons to transmit 
the name. 


in Spain three years. Himself and three of his sons were 
captains in Roe's voyage.^ 

The wind was now come about to N. E. with very fair 

In the afternoon Mr. Cradock came aboard us, and told us, 
that the Talbot, Jewel and Ambrose were fallen down into 
Stoke's Bay, intending to take their way by St. Helen's Point, 
and that they desired we could come back to them. Hereupon 
we came to council, and wrote unto them to take the first 
opportunity of the wind to fall down to us, and Mr. Cradock 
presently went back to them, our captain giving him three 
shot out of the steerage for a farewell. 

Our captain called over our landmen, and tried them at 
their muskets, and such as were good shot among them were 
enrolled to serve in the ship, if occasion should be. 

The lady Arbella and the gentlewomen, and Mr. Johnson ^ 
and some others went on shore to refresh themselves. 

Wednesday, 7.]^ Fair weather, the wind easterly, in the 
morning a small gale, but in the afternoon it came about to 
the south. This afternoon our other consorts came up to us, 
and about ten or twelve Flemings, and all anchored by us, 
and the masters of the Jewel and of the Ambrose came aboard 
us, and our captain and they went on shore. 

Towards night there came from the W. a Fleming, a small 
man-of-war, with a Brazil man which he had taken prize, and 
came to anchor by us. 

Thursday, 8.] About six in the morning (the wind being 

• Doubtless the voyage which Sir 'Thomas Roe made to Guiana in 1610. 
'Mr. Isaac Johnson and his wife, Lady Arbella, daughter of the Earl of 

Lincoln, were in position and wealth the most important members of the ship's 
company. Johnson, a gentleman of Rutlandshire, contributed to the enterprise 
more liberally than any other, and was very zealous. It was a severe blow to the 
colony that the death of the Lady Arbella occurred in August, but two months 
after the arrival, followed next month by that of her husband. 

* On this day the Farewell to the Church of England was addressed from 
the Arbella, lying at Yarmouth. See Hutchinson, HiMory of M assachmetts Bay, 
I., Appendix 1. The Congregationalism of a later day finds no expression here. 


E. and N. and fair weather) we weighed anchor and set sail, 
and before ten we gat through the Needles, having so Httle 
wind as we had much to do to stem the tide, so as the rest of 
our fleet (we being nine in all, wherof some were small ships, 
which were bound for Newfoundland) could not get out all 
then till the ebb. In the afternoon the wind came S. and W. 
and we were becalmed, so as being not able to get above three 
or four leagues from the Needles, our captain tacked about, 
and putting his fore-sheets aback stays, he stayed for the rest 
of the fleet, and as they came by us we spake to them, and 
about eight in the evening we let fall an anchor, intending to 
stop till the ebb. But before ten at night the wind came 
about to the N. a good gale ; so we put up a light in the poop, 
and weighed and set sail, and by dayUght, Friday 9, we were 
come to Portland ; but the other ships being not able to hold 
up with us, we were forced to spare our mainsail, and went 
on with a merry gale. In the morning we descried from the top 
eight sail astern of us, (whom Capt. Lowe told us he had seen 
at Dunnose in the evening). We supposing they might be 
Dunkirkers,* our captain caused the gunroom and gundeck 
to be cleared; all the hammocks were taken down, our ord- 
nance loaded, and our powder-chests and fireworks made 
ready, and our landmen quartered among the seamen, and 
twenty-five of them appointed for muskets, and every man 
written down for his quarter. 

The wind continued N. [blank] with fair weather, and after- 
noon it calmed, and we still saw those eight ships to stand tow- 
ards us; having more wind than we, they came up apace, so 
as our captain and the masters of our consorts were more oc- 
casioned to think they might be Dunkirkers, (for we were told 
at Yarmouth, that there were ten sail of them waiting for us ;) 
whereupon we all prepared to fight with them, and took down 
some cabins which were in the way of our ordnance, and out 
of every ship were thrown such bed matters as were subject to 

' Dunkirk was then a possession of Spain, at that time at war with England. 


take fire, and we heaved out our long boats, and put up our 
waste cloths, and drew forth our men, and armed them with 
muskets and other weapons, and instruments for fireworks; 
and for an experiment our captain shot a ball of wild-fire fast- 
ened to an arrow out of a cross-bow, which burnt in the water 
a good time. The lady Arbella and the other women and chil- 
dren were removed into the lower deck, that they might be out 
of danger. All things being thus fitted, we went to prayer 
upon the upper deck. It was much to see how cheerful and 
comfortable all the company appeared ; not a woman or child 
that showed fear, though all did apprehend the danger to have 
been great, if things had proved as might well be expected, for 
there had been eight against four, and the least of the enemy's 
ships were reported to carry thirty brass pieces ; but our trust 
was in the Lord of Hosts; and the courage of our captain, 
and his care and diligence, did much encourage us. It was 
now about one of the clock, and the fleet seemed to be within 
a league of us; therefore our captain, because he would show 
he was not afraid of them, and that he might see the issue be- 
fore night should overtake us, tacked about and stood to meet 
them, and when we came near we perceived them to be our 
friends, — the Little Neptune, a ship of some twenty pieces 
of ordnance, and her two consorts, bound for the Straits; a 
ship of Flushing, and a Frenchman, and three other English 
ships bound for Canada and Newfoundland. So when we 
drew near, every ship (as they met) saluted each other, and 
the musketeers discharged their small shot; and so (God be 
praised) our fear and danger was turned into mirth and friendly 
entertainment. Our danger being thus over, we espied two 
boats on fishing in the channel; so every of our four ships 
manned out a skiff, and we bought of them great store of ex- 
cellent fresh fish of divers sorts. 

Saturday, 10.] The wind at E. and by N. a handsome 
gale with fair weather. By seven in the morning we were 
come over against Plymouth. 


About noon the wind slacked, and we were come within 
sight of the Lizard, and towards night it grew very calm and 
a great fog, so as our ships made no way. 

This afternoon Mr. Hurlston, the master of the Jewel, came 
aboard our ship, and our captain went in his skiff aboard the 
Ambrose and the Neptune, of which one Mr. Andrew Cole 
was master. There he was told, that the bark Warwick was 
taken by the Dunkirkers, for she came single out of the Downs 
about fourteen days since, intending to come to us to the 
Wight, but was never heard of since. She was a pretty ship 
of about eighty tons and ten pieces of ordnance, and was set 
out by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Capt. Mason,^ and others, for 
discovery of the great lake in New England,^ so to have inter- 
cepted the trade of beaver. The master of her was one Mr. 
Weatherell, whose father was master of one of the cattle 
ships, which we left at Hampton. 

This day two young men, falling at odds and fighting, 
contrary to the orders which we had published and set up in 
the ship, were adjudged to walk upon the deck till night with 
their hands bound behind them, which accordingly was exe- 
cuted; and another man, for using contemptuous speeches in 

*Sir Ferdinando Gorges, already described in the Introduction, an im- 
portant figure in the setdement of New England. He failed in Maine, in 1607, 
nor were other enterprises more successful. The success of the Leyden Pilgrims 
in 1620 encouraged further trial. In 1622 he became connected with Captain 
John Mason, an adventurous London merchant, and the two obtained a patent 
for a tract bounded by the Merrimac and Kennebec rivers and running back to 
the lakes which were the sources. In 1623 Gorges made an establishment at 
the mouth of the Piscataqua. In 1629 Mason obtained a new patent for New 
Hampshire, and Mason and Gorges and others a patent for "Laconia," farther 
inland. Through Gorges and Mason, Winthrop's colony was embarrassed from 
the first, and soon brought close to ruin. A scheme was attempted for organiz- 
ing a colony to extend from the St. Croix to Maryland, which would have in- 
volved an abrogation of the Massachusetts charter. This fell through by reason 
of the commotions at home preceding the Civil War. But in 1639 Gorges was 
confirmed as lord-palatine of Maine, and taking the royal side, vexed to his life's 
end his Puritan neighbors. He died soon after the beginning of the Civil War. 

' The Lake of the Iroquois, or Lake Champlain. The Warwick sailed for 
the Laconia Company under the Laconia patent of November 17, 1629. 


our presence, was laid in bolts till he submitted himself, and 
promised open confession of his offence. 

I should have noted before, that the day we set sail from 
the Cowes, my son Henry Winthrop went on shore with one of 
my servants to fetch an ox and ten wethers, which he had 
provided for our ship, and there went on shore with him, Mr. 
Pelham and one of his servants. They sent the cattle aboard, 
but returned not themselves. About three days after, my 
servant and a servant of Mr. Pelham's came to us to Yar- 
mouth, and told us they were all coming to us in a boat the 
day before, but the wind was so strong against them, as they 
were forced on shore in the night, and the two servants came 
to Yarmouth by land, and so came on ship-board, but my son 
and Mr. Pelham (we heard) went back to the Cowes and so 
to Hampton. We expected them three or four days after, but 
they came not to us, so we have left them behind, and sup- 
pose they will come after in Mr. Goffe's ships.* We were very 
sorry they had put themselves upon such inconvenience, when 
they were so well accommodated in our ship. This was not 
noted before, because we expected daily their return ; and upon 
this occasion I must add here one observation, that we have 
many young gentlemen in our ship, who behave themselves 
well, and are conformable to all good orders. 

About ten at night it cleared up with a fresh gale at N. 
and by W., so we stood on our course merrily. 

Sunday, 11.] The wind at N. and by W. a very stiff 

About eight in the morning, being gotten past Scilly, and 
standing to the W. S. W. we met two small ships, which fall- 
ing in among us, and the Admiral coming under our lee, we 
let him pass, but the Jewel and Ambrose, perceiving the other 
to be a Brazil man, and to take the wind of us, shot at them 
and made them stop and fall after us, and sent a skiff aboard 

' Thomas Goffc, a London merchant, was one of the patentees of Massa- 


them to know what they were. Our captain, fearing lest 
some mistake might arise, and lest they should take them for 
enemies which were friends, and so, through the unruliness 
of the mariners some wrong might be done them, caused his 
skiff to be heaved out, and sent Mr. Graves [?], one of his mates 
and our pilot, (a discreet man,) to see how things were, who 
returned soon after, and brought with him the master of one of 
the ships and Mr. Lowe and Mr. Hurlston. When they were 
come aboard us, they agreed to send for the captain, who came 
and showed his commission from the Prince of Orange. In 
conclusion he proved to be a Dutchman, and his a man-of-war 
of Flushing, and the other ship was a prize he had taken laden 
with sugar and tobacco; so we sent them aboard their ships 
again, and held on our course. In this time (which hindered 
us five or six leagues) the Jewel and the Ambrose came foul 
of each other, so as we much feared the issue, but, through 
God's mercy, they came well off again, only the Jewel had her 
foresail torn, and one of her anchors broken. This occasion, 
and the sickness of our minister and people, put us all out of 
order this day, so as we could have no sermons. 

Monday, 12.] The wind more large to the N. a stiff gale, 
with fair weather. In the afternoon less wind, and our people 
began to grow well again. Our children and others, that were 
sick, and lay groaning in the cabins, we fetched out, and having 
stretched a rope from the steerage to the mainmast, we 
made them stand, some of one side and some of the other, and 
sway it up and down till they were warm, and by this means 
they soon grew well and merry. 

Tuesday, 13.] The night before it was calm, and the next 
day calm and close weather, so as we made little way, the 
wind with us being W. 

Wednesday, 14.] The wind S. W., rainy weather, in the 

About nine in the forenoon the wind came about to N. N. W. 
a stiff gale ; so we tacked about and steered our course W. S. W. 


This day the ship heaved and set more than before, yet 
we had but few sick, and of these such as came up upon the 
deck, and stirred themselves, were presently well again ; there- 
fore our captain set our children and young men to some 
harmless exercises, which the seamen were very active in, and 
did our people much good, though they would sometimes play 
the wags with them. Towards night we were forced to take 
in some sail to stay for the vice-admiral, which was near a 
league astern of us. 

Thursday, 15.] The wind still at N. N. W. fair weather, 
but less wind than the day and night before, so as our ship 
made but little way. 

At noon our captain made observation by the cross-staff,^ 
and found we were in forty-seven degrees thirty-seven min- 
utes north latitude. 

All this forenoon our vice-admiral was much to leeward of 
us ; so after dinner we bare up towards her, and having fetched 
her up and spoken with her, the wind being come to S. W. 
we tacked about and steered oiu* course N. N. W. lying as 
near the wind as we could, and about four of the clock, with a 
stiff gale, we steered W. and by N. and at night the wind grew 
very strong, which put us on to the W. amain. 

About ten at night the wind grew so high, and rain withal, 
that we were forced to take in our topsail, and having lowered 
our mainsail and foresail, the storm was so great as it split our 
foresail and tore it in pieces, and a knot of the sea washed our 
tub overboard, wherein our fish was a-watering. The storm 
still grew, and it was dark with clouds, (though otherwise 
moonlight,) so as (though it was the Jewel's turn to carry the 
light this night, yet) lest we should lose or go foul one of 
another, we hanged out a light upon our mizzen shrouds, and 
before midnight we lost sight of our vice-admiral. 

' The cross-staflF was a simple instrument of observation, which preceded 
the quadrant. It was a cross the intersection of which was surrounded by a 
graduated circle, the periphery being thus broken into four equal arcs. 


Our captain, so soon as he had set the watch, at eight in the 
evening called his men, and told them he feared we should have 
a storm, and therefore commanded them to be ready upon the 
deck, if occasion should be ; and himself was up and down the 
decks all times of the night. 

Friday, 16.] About four in the morning the wind slacked 
a httle, yet it continued a great storm still, and though in the 
afternoon it blew not much wind, yet the sea was so high as 
it tossed us more than before, and we carried no more but our 
mainsail, yet our ship steered well with it, which few such ships 
could have done. 

About four in the afternoon, the wind still W. and by S. and 
rainy, we put on a new foresail and hoisted it up, and stood 
N W. All this day our rear-admiral and the Jewel held up 
with us. 

This night was very stormy. 

All the time of the storm few of our people were sick, 
(except the women, who kept under hatches,) and there ap- 
peared no fear or dismay edness among them. 

Saturday, 17.] The wind S. W. very stormy and boister- 
ous. All this time we bore no more sail but our mainsail and 
foresail, and we steered our course W. and by N. 

This day our captain told me, that our landmen were very 
nasty and slovenly, and that the gundeck, where they lodged, 
was so beastly and noisome with their victuals and beastliness, 
as would much endanger the health of the ship. Hereupon, 
after prayer, we took order, and appointed four men to see to 
it, and to keep that room clean for three days, and then four 
others should succeed them, and so forth on. 

The wind continued all this day at S. W. a stiff gale. In 
the afternoon it cleared up, but very hazy. Our captain, about 
four of the clock, sent one to the top to look for our vice-ad- 
miral, but he could not descry him, yet we saw a sail about two 
leagues to the leeward, which stood toward the N. E. 

We were this evening (by our account) about ninety 


leagues from Scilly, W. and by S. At this place there came a 
swallow and lighted upon our ship. 

Sunday, 18.] About two in the morning the wind N. W. ; 
so we tacked about and steered our course S. W. We had 
still much wind, and the sea went very high, which tossed our 
ship continually. 

After our evening sermon, about five of the clock, the wind 
came about to S. E. a good gale, but rainy; so we steered our 
course W. S. W. and the ship's way was about nine leagues a 
watch; (a watch is four hours). 

This day the captain sent to top again to discover our vice- 
admiral. We descried from thence to the eastward a sail, but 
we knew not what she was. 

About seven of the clock the Jewel bare up so near as we 
could speak each to other, and after we bated some sail; so 
she went ahead of us, and soon after eight put forth her light. 

Monday, 19.] In the morning the wind was come about to 
the N. W. a good gale and fair weather; so we held our course, 
but the ship made not so good way as when the wind was large. 

This day, by observation and account, we found ourselves 
to be in forty-eight degrees north latitude, and two hundred and 
twenty leagues W. from the meridian of London. 

Here I think good to note, that all this time since we came 
from the Wight, we had cold weather, so as we could well en- 
dure our warmest clothes. I wish, therefore, that all such as 
shall pass this way in the spring have care to provide warm 
clothing ; for nothing breeds more trouble and danger of sick- 
ness, in this season, than cold. 

In the afternoon the wind came to S. W. a stiff gale, with 
rain; so we steered westerly, till night; then the wind came 
about to N. W. and we tacked again and stood S. W. 

Our rear-admiral being to leeward of us, we bare up to 
him. He told us all their people were in health, but one of 
their cows was dead. 

Tuesday, 20.] The wind southerly, fair weather, and little 


wind. In the morning we stood S. and by E., in the afternoon 
W. and by N. 

Wednesday, 21.] Thick, rainy weather; much wind 

Our captain, over night, had invited his consorts to have 
dined with him this day, but it was such foul weather as they 
could not come aboard us. 

Thursday, 22.] The wind still W. and by S. fair weather; 
then W. N. W. 

This day at noon we found ourselves in forty-seven degrees 
and forty-eight minutes, and having a stiff gale, we steered 
S. W. about four leagues a watch, all this day and all the night 

Friday, 23.] The wind still W. N. W. a small gale, with 
fair weather. Our captain put forth his ancient* in the poop, 
and heaved out his skiff, and lowered his topsails, to give sign 
to his consorts that they should come aboard us to dinner, for 
they were both a good way astern of us, and our vice-admiral 
was not yet seen of us since the storm, though we sent to the 
top every day to descry her. 

About eleven of the clock, our captain sent his skiff and 
fetched aboard us the masters of the other two ships, and Mr. 
Pynchon,^ and they dined with us in the roimd-house, for the 
lady and gentlewomen^ dined in the great cabin. 

This day and the night following we had little wind, so 
as the sea was very smooth, and the ship made little way. 

Saturday, 24.] The wind still W. and by N., fair weather 
and calm all that day and night. Here we made observation 
again, and found we were in forty-five degrees twenty minutes, 
north latitude. 

Sunday, 25.] The wind northerly, fair weather, but still 

' Ancient was often used for ensign in old times, whether denoting the flag 
or the flag-bearer. 

^ William Pynchon, founder of Roxbury and afterwards of Springfield, Mass. 

' The Lady Arbella Johnson, the daughters of Sir Richard Saltonstall, and 
the wives of several of the more prominent men. 


calm. We stood W. and by S. and saw two ships ahead of 
us as far as we could descry. 

In the afternoon the wind came W. and by S. but calm still. 
About five of the clock, the rear-admiral and the Jewel had 
fetched up the two ships, and by their saluting each other we 
perceived they were friends, (for they were so far to windward 
of us as we could only see the smoke of their pieces, but could 
not hear them). About nine of the clock, they both fell back 
towards us again, and we steered N. N. W. Now the weather 
begins to be warm. 

Monday, 26.] The wind still W. and by S. close weather, 
and scarce any wind. 

The two ships, which we saw yesterday, were bound for 
Canada. Capt. Kirk* was aboard the admiral. They bare up 
with us, and falling close under our lee, we saluted each other, 
and conferred together so long till his vice-admiral was be- 
calmed by our sails, and we were foul one of another; but 
there being little wind and the sea calm, we kept them asunder 
with oars, etc., till they heaved out their boat, and so towed 
their ship away. 

They told us for certain, that the king of France had set out 
six of his own ships to recover the fort from them. 

About one of the clock Capt. Lowe sent his skiff aboard us, 
(with a friendly token of his love to the governor,) to desire 
our captain to come aboard his ship, which he did, and there 
met the masters of the other ships and Capt. Kirk, and before 
night they all returned to their ships again, Capt. Lowe be- 
stowing some shot upon them for their welcome. 

The wind now blew a pretty gale, so as our ship made some 
way again, though it were out of our right course N. W. by N. 

Tuesday, 27.] The wind still westerly, a stiff gale, with 
close weather. We steered W. N. W. About noon some 
rain, and all the day very cold. We appointed Tuesdays 

' A brother of Sir David Kirk, Savage surmises, who the year before had, 
with Sir David, been concerned in the capture of Quebec. 


and Wednesdays to catechize our people, and this day Mr. 
Phillips* began it. 

Wednesday, 28.] All the night, and this day till noon, the 
wind very high at S. W., close weather, and some rain. Be- 
tween eleven and twelve, in a shower, the wind came W. N. 
W., so we tacked about and stood S. W. 

Thursday, 29.] Much wind all this night at W. and by N. 
and the sea went very high, so as the ship rolled very much, 
because we sailed but with one course ; therefore, about twelve, 
our captain arose and caused the foretopsail to be hoisted, and 
then the ship went more steady. He caused the quartermas- 
ter to look down into the hold to see if the cask lay fast and 
the .... [illegible]. 

In the morning the wind continued with a stiff gale ; rainy 
and cold all the day. 

We had been now three weeks at sea, and were not come 
above three hundred leagues, being about one third part of our 
way, viz., about forty-six north latitude, and near the meri- 
dian of the Terceras.^ 

This night Capt. Kirk carried the light as one of our consorts. 

Friday, 30.] The wind at W. N. W., a strong gale all the 
night and day, with showers now and then. 

We made observation, and found we were in forty-four 
north latitude. At night the wind scanted towards the S. 
with rain ; so we tacked about and stood N. W. and by N. 

Saturday, May 1.] All the night much wind at S. S. W. 
and rain. In the morning the wind still strong, so as we could 
bear little sail, and so it continued a growing storm all the day, 
and towards night so much wind as we bore no more sail but 
so much as should keep the ship stiff. Then it grew a very 
great tempest all the night with fierce showers of rain inter- 
mixed, and very cold. 

' The first pastor of Watertown, ancestor of a numerous and distinguished 
line. Phillips was one of the first to urge Congregationalism as an ecclesiastical 
basis. See Hubbard, General History of New England, 186. ^ The Azores. 


Lord's day, 2.] The tempest continued all the day, with 
the wind W. and by N., and the sea raged and tossed us ex- 
ceedingly; yet, through God's mercy, we were very comfortable, 
and few or none sick, but had opportunity to keep the Sabbath, 
and Mr. Phillips preached twice that day. The Ambrose and 
Jewel were separated far from us the first night, but this day 
we saw them again, but Capt. Kirk's ships we saw not since. 

Monday, 3.] In the night the wind abated, and by morning 
the sea was well assuaged, so as we bare our foresail again, 
and stood W. S. W. ; but all the time of the tempest we could 
make no way, but were driven to the leeward, and the Am- 
brose struck all her sails but her mizzen, and lay a hull. She 
brake her main yard. This day we made observation, and 
found we were in forty-three and a half north latitude. We 
set two fighters in the bolts till night, with their hands bound 
behind them. A maid-servant in the ship, being stomach- 
sick, drank so much strong water, that she was senseless, and 
had near killed herself. We observed it a common fault in 
our young people, that they gave themselves to drink hot 
waters very inmaoderately. 

Tuesday, 4.] Much wind at S. W., close weather. In the 
morning we tacked about and stood N. W. and about ten in 
the morning W. N. W., but made httle way in regard of the 
head sea. 

Wednesday, 5.] The wind W. and by S. thick, foggy 
weather, and rainy; so we stood N. W. by W. At night the 
Lord remembered us, and enlarged the wind to the N. ; so 
we tacked about and stood our course W. and by S. with a 
merry gale in all our sails. 

Thursday, 6.] The wind at N. a good gale, and fair weather. 
We made observation and found we were forty-three and a 
half north latitude ; so we stood full west, and ran, in twenty- 
four hours, about thirty leagues. 

Four things I observed here. 1. That the declination of 
the pole star was much, even to the view, beneath that it is in 


England. 2. That the new moon, when it first appeared, was 
much smaller than at any time I had seen it in England. 3. 
That all the way we came, we saw fowls flying and swimming, 
when we had no land near by two hundred leagues. 4. That 
wheresoever the wind blew, we had still cold weather, and the 
sun did not give so much heat as in England. 

Friday, 7.] The wind N. and by E. a small gale, very fair 
weather, and towards night a still calm. This day our captain 
and Mr. Lowe dined aboard the Jewel. 

Saturday, 8.] All the night calm. In the morning the wind 
S. W. a handsome gale; so we tacked and stood N. W. and 
soon after, the wind growing more large, we stood W. N. W. 
with a good gale. About four of the clock we saw a whale, 
who lay just in our ship's way, (the bunch of his back about a 
yard above water). He would not shun us; so we passed 
within a stone's cast of him, as he lay spouting up water. 

Lord's day, 9.] The wind still S. W. a good gale, but close 
weather and some rain; we held on our course W. N. W. 
About nine it cleared up, and towards night a great fog for an 
hour or two. 

We were now in forty-four and a half north latitude, and a 
little west of Corvos.* 

Monday, 10.] The wind S. S. W. a good gale and fair 
weather; so we stood W. and by N. four or five leagues a 
watch, all this day. The wind increased, and was a great 
storm all the night. About midnight our rear-admiral put 
forth two hghts, whereby we knew that some mischance had 
befallen her. We answered her with two lights again, and 
bare up to her, so near as we durst, (for the sea went very high, 
and she lay by the lee) and having hailed her, we thought 
she had sprung aleak ; but she had broken some of her shrouds ; 
so we went a little ahead of her, and, bringing our foresail 
aback stays, we stayed for her, and, about two hours after, 
she filled her sails, and we stood our course together, but our 

* One of the Azores, 


captain went not to rest till four of the clock, and some others 
of us slept but little that night. 

Tuesday, 11.] The storm continued all this day, till three 
in the afternoon, and the sea went very high, so as our ship 
could make no way, being able to bear no more but our main- 
sail about midmast high. At three there fell a great storm of 
rain, which laid the wind, and the wind shifting into the W. 
we tacked and stood into the head sea, to avoid the rolling of 
our ship, and by that means we made no way, the sea beating 
us back as much as the wind put us forward. 

We had still cold weather, and our people were so acquaint- 
ed with storms as they were not sick, nor troubled, though 
we were much tossed forty-eight hours together, viz., twenty- 
four during the storm, and as long the next night and day fol- 
lowing, Wednesday, 12, when as we lay as it were a hull,^ for 
want of wind, and rolled continually in a high grown sea. 
This day was close and rainy. 

Complaint was made to our captain of some injury that one 
of the under officers of the ship had done to one of our land- 
men. He called him and examined the cause, and com- 
manded him to be tied up by the hands, and a weight to be 
hanged about his neck ; but, at the intercession of the governor, 
(with some difficulty,) he remitted his punishment. 

At night the wind blew at S. E. a handsome gale, with rain; 
so we put forth our sails and stood W. and by S. 

Thursday, 13.] Toward morning the wind came to the 
south-westerly, with close weather and a strong gale, so as be- 
fore noon we took in our topsails, (the rear-admiral having split 
her fore-topsail) and we stood west-southerly. 

Friday, 14.] The wind W. S. W., thick, foggy weather, and 
in the afternoon rainy. We stood W. and by S. and after W. 
and by N. about five leagues a watch. We were in forty-four 
and a half. The sun set N. W. and by N. one third northerly. 
And towards night we stood W. 

' A-hull means drifting without sail. 


Saturday, 15.] The wind westerly all this day; fair 
weather. We tacked twice to small purpose. 

Lord's day, 16.] As the 15 was. 

Monday, 17.] The wind at S. a fine gale and fair weather. 
We stood W. and by S. We saw a great drift; so we heaved 
out our skiff, and it proved a fir log, which seemed to have 
been many years in the water, for it was all overgrown with 
barnacles and other trash. We sounded here and found no 
ground at one hundred fathom and more. We saw two 
whales. About nine at night the wind grew very strong at 
S. W. and continued so, with much rain, till one of the clock ; 
then it ceased raining, but the wind came to the W. with 
more violence. In this storm we were forced to take in all 
our sails, save our mainsail, and to lower that so much as 
we could. 

Tuesday, 18.] In the morning the wind slacked, but we 
could stand no nearer our course than N. and we had much 
wind all this day. In the afternoon we tacked and stood S. by 
E. Towards night (our rear-admiral being near two leagues 
to leeward of us) we bare up, and drawing near her, we de- 
scried, some two leagues more to leeward, two ships, which 
we conceived were those two of Capt. Kirk's, which parted 
from us in the storm. May 2. We had still cold weather. 

Wednesday, 19.] The wind S. S. W.; close and rainy; 
little wind. We tacked again and stood W. ; but about noon 
the wind came full W. a very strong gale ; so we tacked again 
and stood N. by E. and at night we took off our main bonnet, 
and took in all our sails, save our main-course and mizzen. 
We were now in forty-four degrees twelve minutes north, and 
by our account in the midway between the false bank and the 
main bank.^ All this night a great storm at W. by N. 

Thursday, 20.] The storm continued all this day, the wind 
as it was, and rainy. In the forenoon we carried our fore- 
course and stood W. S. W., but in the afternoon we took 

* Grand Banks. 


it in, the wind increasing, and the sea grown very high; and 
lying with the helm a-weather, we made no way but as the 
ship drove. We had still cold weather. 

[Fast] in the great cabin, at nine at night, etc., and the next 
day again, etc. The storm continued all this night. 

Friday, 21.] The wind still N. W.; little wind, and close 
weather. We stood S. W. with all our sails, but made Uttle 
way, and at night it was a still calm. 

A servant of one of our company had bargained with a 
child to sell him a box worth Sd. for three biscuits a day all the 
voyage, and had received about forty, and had sold them and 
many more to some other servants. We caused his hands to 
be tied up to a bar, and hanged a basket with stones about his 
neck, and so he stood two hours. 

Saturday, 22.] The wind S. S. W. much wind and rain. 

Our spritsail laid so deep in as it was spHt in pieces with a 
head sea at the instant as our captain was going forth of his 
cabin very early in the morning to give order to take it in. It 
was a great mercy of God, that it did split, for otherwise it 
had endangered the breaking of our bowsprit and topmasts at 
least, and then we had no other way but to have returned for 
England, except the wind had come east. About ten in the 
morning, in a very great fret of wind, it chopt suddenly into 
the W. as it had done divers times before, and so continued 
with a small gale and [we] stood N. and by W. About four 
in the afternoon there arose a sudden storm of wind and rain, 
so violent as we had not a greater. It continued thick and 
boisterous all the night. 

About seven we descried a sail ahead of us, towards the N. 
and by E. which stood towards us. Our captain, supposing it 
might be our vice-admiral, hoisted up his mainsail, which be- 
fore was struck down aboard, and came up to meet her. 
When we drew near her we put forth our ancient, and she 
luffed up to get the wind of us; but when she saw she could 
not, she bare up, and hoisting up her foresail, stood away 


before the wind ; yet we made all the signs we could, that we 
meant her no harm, but she would not trust us. She was 
within shot of us, so as we perceived she was a small French- 
man, which we did suppose had been driven off the bank. 
When she was clear of us, she stood her course again, and we 

This day at twelve we made observation, and were about 
forty-three, but the storm put us far to the N. again. Still cold 

Lord's day, 23.] Much wind, still westerly, and very cold 

Monday, 24.] The wind N. W. by N. a handsome gale, 
and close weather and very cold. We stood S. W. About 
noon we had occasion to lie by the lee to straighten our miz- 
zen shrouds, and the rear-admiral and Jewel, being both to 
windward of us, bare up and came under our lee, to inquire if 
anything were amiss with us; so we heard the company was 
in health in the Jewel, but that two passengers were dead in 
the Ambrose, and one other cow. 

Tuesday, 25.] The wind still N. W.; fair weather, but 
cold. We went on with a handsome gale, and at noon were 
in forty-three and a half; and the variation of the compass 
was a point and one-sixth. All this day we stood W. S. W. 
about five or six leagues a watch, and towards night the 
wind enlarged, with a cold dash of snowy rain, and then we 
ran in a smooth sea about eight or nine leagues a watch, and 
stood due W. 

Wednesday, 26.] The wind still N. W. a good gale and 
fair weather, but very cold still; yet we were about forty- 
three. At night we sounded, but found no ground. 

Thursday, 27.] The wind N. W. a handsome gale; fair 
weather. About noon it came about to the S. W. and at night 
rain, with a stiff gale, and it continued to rain very hard till 
it was near midnight. 

This day our skiff went aboard the Jewel for a hogshead of 


meal, which we borrowed, because we could not come by 
our own, and there came back in the skiff the master of the 
Jewell and Mr. Revell;* so our captain stayed them dinner, 
and sent for Capt. Lowe; and about two hours after dinner, 
they went aboard their own ships, our captain giving Mr. 
Revell three shot, because he was one of the owners of our 

We understood now, that the two which died in the Am- 
brose were Mr. Cradock's servants, who were sick when they 
came to sea ; and one of them should have been left at Cowes, 
if any house would have received him. 

In the Jewel, also, one of the seamen died — a most profane 
fellow, and one who was very injurious to the passengers, 
though much against the will of the master. 

At noon we tacked about and stood W. and by N. and so 
continued most part of that day and night following, and had 
much rain till midnight. 

Friday, 28.] In the morning the wind veered to the W. 
yet we had a stiff gale, and steered N. W. and by N. It was 
so great a fog all this day, as we had lost sight of one of our 
ships, and saw the other sometimes much to leeward. We 
had many fierce showers of rain throughout this day. 

At night the wind cleared up, and we saw both our consorts 
fair by us; so that wind being very scant, we tacked and 
stood W. and by S. A child was bom in the Jewel about 
this time. 

Saturday, 29.] The wind N. W. a stiff gale, and fair 
weather, but very cold; in the afternoon full N. and towards 
night N. and by E. ; so we stood W. 

Lord's day, 30.] The wind N. by E. a handsome gale, but 
close, misty weather, and very cold; so our ship made good 
way in a smooth sea, and our three ships kept close together. 
By our account we were in the same meridian with Isle Sable, 
and forty-two and a half. 

' One of the assistants. 


Monday, 31.] Wind N. W. a small gale, close and cold 
weather. We sounded, but had no ground. About noon the 
wind came N. by E., a stiff, constant gale and fair weather, so 
as our ship's way was seven, eight, and sometimes twelve 
leagues a watch. This day, about five at night, we expected 
the echpse, but there was not any, the sun being fair and clear 
from three till it set. 

June 1, Tuesday.] The wind N. E. a small gale, with fair, 
clear weather; in the afternoon full S., and towards night a 
good gale. We stood W. and by N. A woman in our ship 
fell in travail, and we sent and had a midwife out of the Jewel. 
She was so far ahead of us at this time, (though usually we 
could spare her some sail,) as we shot off a piece and lowered 
our topsails, and then she brailed her sails and stayed for us. 

This evening we saw the new moon more than half an hour 
after sunset, being much smaller than it is at any time in 

Wednesday, 2.] The wind S. S. W., a handsome gale; 
very fair weather, but still cold; in the evening a great fog. 
We stood W. and by N. and W. N. W. 

Our captain, supposing us now to be near the N. coast, and 
knowing that to the S. there were dangerous shoals, fitted on a 
new mainsail, that was very strong, and double, and would 
not adventure with his old sails, as before, when he had sea- 
room enough. 

Thursday, 3.] The wind S. by W. a good steady gale, and 
we stood W. and by N. The fog continued very thick, and 
some rain withal. We sounded in the morning, and again 
at noon, and had no groimd. We sounded again about two, 
afternoon, and had ground about eighty fathom, a fine gray 
sand; so we presently tacked and stood S. S. E., and shot 
off a piece of ordnance to give notice to our consorts, whom 
we saw not since last evening. 

The fog continued all this night, and a steady gale at S. W. 

Friday, 4.] About four in the morning we tacked again 


(the wind S. W.) and stood W. N. W. The fog continued all 
this day, so as we could not see a stone's cast from us ; yet the 
sun shone very bright all the day. We sounded every two 
hours, but had no ground. At night we tacked again and 
stood S. In the great cabin, fast. 

Saturday, 5.] In the morning the wind came to N. E. a 
handsome gale, and the fog was dispersed ; so we stood before 
the wind W. and by N., all the afternoon being rainy. At 
night we sounded, but had no groimd. In the great cabin, 

It rained most part of this night, yet our captain kept 
abroad, and was forced to come in in the night to shift his 

We sounded every half watch, but had no ground. 

Lord's day, 6.] The wind N. E. and after N., a good gale, 
but still foggy at times, and cold. We stood W. N. W., both 
to make Cape Sable, if we might, and also because of the cur- 
rent, which near the west shore sets to the S., that we might 
be the more clear from the southern shoals, viz., of Cape Cod. 

About two in the afternoon we sounded and had ground at 
about eighty fathom, and the mist then breaking up, we saw 
the shore to the N. about five or six leagues off, and were (as 
we supposed) to the S. W. of Cape Sable, and in forty-three 
and a quarter. Towards night it calmed and was foggy 
again, and the wind came S. and by E. We tacked and 
stood W. and by N., intending to make land at Aquamenticus, 
being to the N. of the Isles of Shoals. 

Monday, 7.] The wind S. About four in the morning we 
sounded and had ground at thirty fathom, and was somewhat 
calm; so we put our ship a-stays, and took, in less than two 
hours, with a few hooks, sixty-seven codfish, most of them 
very great fish, some a yard and a half long, and a yard in 
compass. This came very seasonably, for our salt fish was 
now spent, and we were taking care for victuals this day 
(being a fish day). 


After this we filled our sails, and stood W. N. W. with a 
small gale. We hoisted out a great boat to keep our sound- 
ing the better. The weather was now very cold. We sounded 
at eight, and had fifty fathoms, and, being calm, we heaved 
out our hooks again, and took twenty-six cods ; so we all feast- 
ed with fish this day. A woman was delivered of a child in 
our ship, stillborn. The woman had divers children before, 
but none lived, and she had some mischance now, which caused 
her to come near a month before her time, but she did very 
well. At one of the clock we had a fresh gale at N. W. and 
very fair weather all that afternoon, and warm, but the wind 
failed soon. 

All the night the wind was W. and by S. a stiff gale, which 
made us stand to and again, with small advantage. 

Tuesday, 8.] The wind still W. and by S., fair weather, but 
close and cold. We stood N. N. W. with a still gale, and, 
about three in the afternoon, we had sight of land to the N. 
W. about ten leagues, which we supposed was the Isles of 
Monhegan, but it proved Mount Mansell.^ Then we tacked 
and stood W. S. W. We had now fair sunshine weather, and 
so pleasant a sweet air as did much refresh us, and there came 
a smell off the shore hke the smell of a garden. 

There came a wild pigeon into our ship, and another small 
land bird. 

Wednesday, 9.] In the morning the wind easterly, but 
grew presently calm. Now we had very fair weather, and 
warm. About noon the wind came to S. W. ; so we stood W. 
N. W. with a handsome gale, and had the main land upon our 
starboard all that day, about eight or ten leagues off. It is 
very high land, lying in many hills very unequal. At night 
we saw many small islands, being low land, between us and 
the main, about five or six leagues off us; and about three 

1 Named by Champlain, in 1604, Mount Desert. The name Mount Man- 
sell came, Savage presumes, from Sir Robert Mansell, at one time the highest 
naval officer of England, who was interested in the New England settlements. 


leagues from us, towards the main, a small rock a little above 
water. At night we sounded and had soft oozy ground at 
sixty fathom; so, the wind being now scant at W. we tacked 
again and stood S. S. W. We were now in forty-three and 
a half. This high land, which we saw, we judged to be at 
the W. cape of the great bay, which goeth towards Port Royal, 
called Mount Desert, or Mount Mansell, and no island, but 
part of the main. In the night the wind shifted oft. 

Thursday, 10.] In the morning the wind S. and by W. till 
five. In the morning a thick fog; then it cleared up with 
fair weather, but somewhat close. After we had run some 
ten leagues W. and by S. we lost sight of the former land, but 
made other high land on our starboard, as far off as we could 
descry, but we lost it again. 

The wind continued all this day at S. a stiff, steady gale, 
yet we bare all our sails, and stood W. S. W. About four in 
the afternoon we made land on our starboard bow, called the 
Three Turks' Heads, being a ridge of three hills upon the main, 
whereof the southmost is the greatest. It lies near Aquamen- 
ticus. We descried, also, another hill, more northward, which 
lies by Cape Porpus. We saw, also, ahead of us, some four 
leagues from shore, a small rock, called Boone Isle, not above 
a flight shot over, which hath a dangerous shoal to the E. and 
by S. of it, some two leagues in length. We kept our luff and 
weathered it, and left it on our starboard about two miles 
off. Towards night we might see the trees in all places very 
plainly, and a small hill to the southward of the Turks' Heads. 
All the rest of the land to the S. was plain, low land. Here we 
had a fine fresh smell from shore. Then, lest we should not get 
clear of the ledge of rocks, which lie under water from within 
a flight shot of the said rock, (called Boone Isle,) which we 
had now brought N. E. from us, towards Pascataquac, we 
tacked and stood S. E. with a stiff gale at S. by W. 

Friday, 11.] The wind still S. W., close weather. We 
stood to and again all this day within sight of Cape Ann. The 


Isles of Shoals were now within two leagues of us, and we 
saw a ship He there at anchor, and five or six shallops under 
sail up and down. 

We took many mackerels, and met a shallop, which stood 
from Cape Ann towards the Isles of Shoals, which belonged 
to some English fishermen. 

Saturday, 12.] About four in the morning we were near 
our port. We shot off two pieces of ordnance, and sent our 
skiff to Mr. Peirce his ship (which lay in the harbor, and had 
been there [blank] days before). About an hour after, Mr. 
Allerton^ canie aboard us in a shallop as he was sailing to 
Pemaquid. As we stood towards the harbor, we saw another 
shallop coming to us ; so we stood in to meet her, and passed 
through the narrow strait between Baker's Isle and Little 
Isle, and came to an anchor a httle within the islands. 

After Mr. Peirce came aboard us, and returned to fetch Mr. 
Endecott,^ who came to us about two of the clock, and with 
him Mr. Skelton^ and Capt. Levett. We that were of the 
assistants, and some other gentlemen, and some of the women, 
and our captain, returned with them to Nahumkeck,^ where 
we supped with a good venison pasty and good beer, and at 
night we returned to our ship, but some of the women stayed 

1 William Peirce, an experienced sailor, and Isaac Allerton, a leading man 
of Plymouth, were at this time in the service of that colony. Their names will 
often recur hereafter. Pemaquid lies some fifteen miles east of the Kennebec. 

* "This distinguished father of Massachusetts had, near two years before, 
been sent to found the plantation in the settlement of Salem, the oldest town in 
the colony. He had a commission, in 1629, from the company to act as governor, 
which was, of course, superseded by the arrival of Winthrop with the charter. 
With the history of his adopted country, that of Endecott is interwoven, till the 
time of his death, 15 March, 1655. He served four years as deputy governor, 
and sixteen years as governor." (Note by Savage.) 

^ "Samuel Skelton, pastor of Salem, came the year before in the same fleet 
with Higginson. The notices of his history are very brief; that of his death will 
be found in this volume, 2 August, 1634. His wife died 15 March, 1631, as we 
learn from Dudley, who says, 'she was a godly and helpful woman; she lived 
desired, and died lamented, and well deserves to be honorably remembered.'" 
(Savage.) * Naumkeag, the Indian name of Salenx 


In the mean time most of our people went on shore upon 
the land of Cape Ann, which lay very near us, and gathered 
store of fine strawberries. 

An Indian came aboard us and lay there all night. 

Lord's day, 13.] In the morning, the sagamore of Aga- 
wam^ and one of his men came aboard our ship and stayed 
with us all day. 

About two in the afternoon we descried the Jewel; so we 
manned out our skiff and wafted them in, and they went as 
near the harbor as the tide and wind would suffer. 

Monday, 14.] In the morning early we weighed anchor, 
and the wind being against us, and the channel so narrow as 
we could not well turn in, we warped in our ship, and came 
to an anchor in the inward harbor. 

In the afternoon we went with most of our company on 
shore, and our captain gave us five pieces. 

Thursday, 17.] We went to Mattachusetts,^ to find out a 
place for our sitting down. We went up Mistick River about 
six miles. 

We lay at Mr. Maverick's, and returned home on Saturday. 
As we came home, we came by Nataskott, and sent for Capt. 
Squib ashore — (he had brought the west-country people, 
viz., Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Rossiter, Mr. Maverick, etc., to the bay, 
who were set down at Mattapan,)^ — and ended a difference 
between him and the passengers; wherupon he sent his boat 
to his ship, (the Mary and John,) and at our parting gave us 
five pieces. At our return we found the Ambrose in the harbor 
at Salem. 

Thursday, July 1.] The Mayflower and the Whale arrived 

' Agawam, meaning river, given as a name to Ipswich (as here), to Spring- 
field and other places. 

2 Boston harbor, where the Blue Hills, from which Massachusetts ulti- 
mately derives its name, were in sight. Samuel Maverick had already estab- 
lished himself at the mouth of the Mystic, at Winnisimmet, now Chelsea. Blaxton 
or Blackstone, too, was at Shawmut, about to become Boston, while Morton 
and Westo'n, as descriBed in the Introduction, were at points in the same bay 
farther south. 'These were the settlers of Dorchester. 


safe in Charlton harbor.* Their passengers were all in health, 
but most of their cattle dead, (whereof a mare and horse of 
mine). Some stone horses came over in good pUght. 

Friday, 2.] The Talbot arrived there. She had lost fom*- 
teen passengers. 

My son, Henry Winthrop, was drowned at Salem.^ 

Saturday, 3.] The Hopewell and William and Francis ar- 

Monday, 5.] The Trial arrived at Charlton, and the 
Charles at Salem. 

Tuesday, 6.] The Success arrived. She had [blank] goats 
and lost [blank] of them, and many of her passengers were 
near starved, etc. 

Wednesday, 7.] The Lion went back to Salem. 

Thursday, 8.] We kept a day of thanksgiving in all the 

Thursday, August 18.] Capt. Endecott and [blank] Gibson 
were married by the governor and Mr. Wilson.^ 

Saturday, 20.] The French ship called the Gift, came into 
the harbor at Charlton. She had been twelve weeks at sea, 
and lost one passenger and twelve goats; she delivered six. 

Monday we kept a court.^ 

Friday, 27.] We, of the congregation, kept a fast, and 

* Charlestown harbor. Charlestown replaced at once the Indian name, 
Mishawum. The form Charlton is derived from Captain John Smith's map of 
New England. 

' The affliction disposed of here in such brief terms was a sad blow to Win- 
throp. See his first letters to his wife and son in England. R. C. Winthrop, 
Life and Letters of John Winthrop, 11. 36, 39. 

* The second marriage of Endicott introduces the Rev. John Wilson, the 
noted pastor of the Boston church. He was grand-nephew of Grindal, arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, had much energy and was powerfully befriended. He 
was now a man of forty-two. John Wilson is one of Cotton Mather's heroes, 
described in Magrudia Christi Americana, book in. "entituled Polybius," with 
other "divines by whose evangelical ministry the churches of New England have 
been illuminated." 

* Court means general meeting of the company^^ififrtEraMJBglwiffliction or 
absorption in business, Winthrop's record is in/'^^es^lpaj* 4«l^«^gr&^'*'"§up- 
pl3^ng from other sources necessary details, we may note as most imporcai<x/ ti 



chose Mr. Wilson our teacher, and Mr. Nowell an elder, and 
Mr. Gager and Mr. Aspinwall, deacons. We used imposition of 
hands, but with this protestation by all, that it was only as a 
sign of election and confirmation, not of any intent that Mr. 
Wilson should renounce his ministry he received in England. 

September 20.] Mr. Gager died. 

30.] About two in the morning, Mr. Isaac Johnson died ; 
his wife, the lady Arbella, of the house of Lincoln, being 
dead about one month before. He was a holy man, and wise, 
and died in sweet peace, leaving some part of his substance to 
the colony.^ 

rapid process of separation from old religious ties. Some of the Massachusetts 
emigrants, before leaving England, practically adopted Congregationalism. A 
band from the southern shires, sailing a few weeks before Winthrop, practised 
the new way at Plymouth before departure, which was countenanced by the Rev. 
John White of Dorchester. These emigrants, landing at Nantasket a fortnight 
before Winthrop's arrival, presently proceeded to Mattapan and founded Dor- 
chester (Palfrey, I. 318 n.) Before the summer ended Winthrop's company 
organized as a Congregational church with John Wilson for its minister, definitely 
cutting loose from the Church of England, and seeking fellowship with the Sepa- 
ratists. June 28 of this year, Samuel Fuller, of Plymouth, then visiting the new- 
comers, wrote Bradford that the Rev. Mr. Phillips openly discarded his old ties, 
and that Winthrop sought aid and countenance from Plymouth. Endicott was 
a "dear friend," while Coddington, an assistant, declared that John Cotton, at 
Southampton, had counselled "that they should take advice of them at Plym- 
outh, and should do nothing to offend them." {Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., first 
series. III. 74.) 

The first Court of Assistants on this side of the water was held at Charles- 
town, August 23, 1630, followed by others at short intervals. (Mass. Colonial 
Records, under date.) Theocracy asserted itself at once, the first business being 
to provide for the ministers. Captains Patrick and Underbill, military heads, 
were also taken care of; measures were adopted to keep firearms from the In- 
dians, for the husbanding of corn, and the prevention of drunkenness. Disci- 
pline was vigorous and most impartial, whipping and the "bilbowes" often 
being resorted to. Not only did Thomas Morton, of Merry Mount, and many 
an obscure servant suffer, but the Brownes, important men, were sent back to 
England for maintaining prelacy, and even Sir Richard Saltonstall was twice 
fined. Charlestown proving unhealthy, as was believed through bad water, 
the river was crossed to Shawmut where there were good springs, and where 
Blaxton, who had perhaps come over with Robert Gorges in 1623, had settled. 
Here, October 18, was held the first formal quarterly General Court, provided 
or in the charter. Boston, Dorchester and Watertown received the names 
which they have ever since borne. 

* The loss of these high-born and generous friends was a severe blow. 

m m-M^ 

^ . 

-<*■;: - 

"' "^'^6;^^:. 

_^Wr^> '*/y-^\ 

X-. ,,.... 

From the original in the office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts 


The wolves killed six calves at Salem, and they killed one wolf. 

Thomas Morton adjudged to be imprisoned, till he were 
sent into England, and his house burnt down, for his many 
injuries offered to the Indians, and other misdemeanors. 
Capt. Brook, master of the Gift, refused to carry him.^ 

Finch [?], of Watertown, had his wigwam burnt and all his 

Billington executed at Plymouth for murdering one. 

Mr. PhilHps, the minister of Watertown, and others, had 
their hay burnt. 

The wolves killed some swine at Saugus. 

A cow died at Plymouth, and a goat at Boston,^ with 
eating Indian com. 

October 23.] Mr. Rossiter, one of the assistants, died. 

25.] Mr. Colburn (who was chosen deacon by the congre- 
gation a week before) was invested by imposition of hands of 
the minister and elder. 

The governor, upon consideration of the inconveniences 
which had grown in England by drinking one to another, re- 
strained it at his own table, and wished others to do the like, 
so as it grew, by little and little, to disuse. 

29.] The Handmaid arrived at Plymouth, having been 
twelve weeks at sea, and spent all her masts, and of twenty- 
eight cows she lost ten. She had about sixty passengers, who 
came all well; John Grant, master. 

Mr. Goffe wrote to me, that his shipping this year had ut- 
terly undone him. 

* Thomas Morton, whose performances at Merry Mount, or Mount Wol- 
laston, brought down upon his head the vengeance both of Plymouth and of 
Massachusetts Bay, now returned to England, where he posed as a Church of 
England martyr, and in 1637 published at Amsterdam The New English Canaan, 
a most curious book, reprinted in 1883 by the Prince Society under the editor- 
ship of Mr. Charles Francis Adams. For an interesting and elaborate account 
of this picturesque reprobate, see C. F. Adams, Three Episodes of Massachusetts 
History, I., chaps, x. and xi. 

^ Here for the first time Winthrop uses the designation " Boston," the town 
in England most familiar to the settlers in general affording the name. 


She brought out twenty-eight heifers, but brought but 
seventeen ahve. 

November 11.] The master came to Boston with Capt. 
Standish and two gentlemen passengers, who came to plant 
here, but having no testimony, we would not receive them. 

10.] [blank] Firmin, of Watertown, had his wigwam burnt. 

Divers had their hay-stacks burnt by burning the grass. 

27.] Three of the governor's servants were from this day 
to the 1 of December abroad in his skiff among the islands, in 
bitter frost and snow, being kept from home by the N. W. 
wind, and without victuals. At length they gat to Mount 
Wollaston, and left their boat there, and came home by land. 
Laus Deo. 

December 6.] The governor and most of the assistants, 
and others, met at Roxbury, and there agreed to build a town 
fortified upon the neck between that and Boston, and a com- 
mittee was appointed to consider of all things requisite, etc. 

14.] The committee met at Roxbury, and upon further 
consideration, for reasons, it was concluded, that we could not 
have a town in the place aforesaid: 1. Because men would 
be forced to keep two famihes. 2. There was no running 
water; and if there were any springs, they would not suffice 
the town. 3. The most part of the people had built already, 
and would not be able to build again. So we agreed to meet 
at Watertown that day sen'night, and in the meantime other 
places should be viewed. 

Capt. Neal^ and three other gentlemen came hither to us. 
He came in the bark Warwick, this summer, to Pascataqua, 
sent as governor there for Sir Ferdinando Gorges and others. 

21.] We met again at Watertown, and there, upon view of 
a place a mile beneath the town, all agreed it a fit place for 
a fortified town, and we took time to consider further about it. 

* Walter Neal, of whom we shall have several mentions, came to the Pisca- 
taqua in the interest of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, having promised that he would 
make available the "lakes," either Champlain or Winnepesaukee and the head- 
waters of the Merrimae, where beaver were abundant. 


24.] Till this time there was (for the most part) fair, open 
weather, with gentle frosts in the night; but this day the 
wind came N. W., very strong, and some snow withal, but so 
cold as some had their fingers frozen, and in danger to be lost. 
Three of the governor's servants, coming in a shallop from 
Mistick, were driven by the wind upon Noddle's Island, and 
forced to stay there all that night, without fire or food; yet 
through God's mercy, they came safe to Boston next day, 
but the fingers of two of them were bUstered with cold, and 
one swooned when he came to the fire. 

26.] The rivers were frozen up, and they of Charlton could 
not come to the sermon at Boston till the afternoon at high 

Many of our cows and goats were forced to be still abroad 
for want of houses. 

28.] Richard Garrett, a shoemaker of Boston, and one of 
the congregation there, with one of his daughters, a young 
maid, and four others, went towards Plymouth in a shallop, 
against the advice of his friends; and about the Gurnett's 
Nose the wind overblew so much at N. W. as they were forced 
to come to a killock * at twenty fathom, but their boat drave 
and shaked out the stone, and they were put to sea, and the 
boat took in much water, which did freeze so hard as they 
could not free her; so they gave themselves for lost, and, 
commending themselves to God, they disposed themselves 
to die ; but one of their company espying land near Cape Cod, 
then made shift to hoist up part of their sail, and, by God's 
special providence, were carried through the rocks to the 
shore, where some gat on land, but some had their legs frozen 
into the ice, so as they were forced to be cut out. Being 
come on shore they kindled a fire, but, having no hatchet, they 
could get little wood, and were forced to He in the open air all 
night, being extremely cold. In the morning two of their 
company went towards Plymouth, (supposing it had been 

1 A rude anchor consisting of a stone enclosed within a frame of wood. 


within seven or eight miles, whereas it was near fifty miles 
from them). By the way they met with two Indian squaws, 
who, coming home, told their husbands that they had met two 
Englishmen. They thinking (as it was) that they had been 
shipwrecked, made after them, and brought them back to their 
wigwam, and entertained them kindly ; and one of them went 
with them the next day to Plymouth, and the other went to 
find out their boat and the rest of their company, which were 
seven miles off, and having found them, he holp them what he 
could, and returned to his wigwam, and fetched a hatchet, and 
built them a wigwam and covered it, and gat them wood (for 
they were so weak and frozen, as they could not stir;) and 
Garrett died about two days after his landing ; and the ground 
being so frozen as they could not dig his grave, the Indian 
hewed a hole about half a yard deep, with his hatchet, and 
having laid the corpse in it, he laid over it a great heap of 
wood to keep it from the wolves. By this time the governor 
of Plymouth had sent three men to them with provisions, who 
being come, and not able to launch their boat, (which with 
the strong N. W. wind was driven up to the high water mark,) 
the Indian returned to Plymouth and fetched three more ; but 
before they came, they had launched their boat, and with a 
fair southerly wind were gotten to Plymouth, where another 
of their company died, his flesh being mortified with the frost ; 
and the two who went towards Plymouth died also, one of 
them being not able to get thither, and the other had his feet 
so frozen as he died of it after. The girl escaped best, and one 
Harwood, a godly man of the congregation of Boston, lay long 
under the surgeon's hands; and it was above six weeks before 
they could get the boat from Plymouth; and in their return 
they were much distressed; yet their boat was very well 
manned, the want whereof before was the cause of their loss. 


January.] A house at Dorchester was burnt down. 

February 11.] Mr. Freeman's house at Watertown was 
burned down, but, being in the daytime, his goods were saved. 

5.] The ship Lyon, Mr. WilUam Peirce, master, arrived 
at Nantasket. She brought Mr. WiUiams,^ (a godly minis- 
ter,) with his wife, Mr. Throgmorton, [blank] Perkins, [blank] 
Ong, and others, with their wives and children, about twenty 
passengers, and about two hundred tons of goods. She set 
sail from Bristol, December 1. She had a very tempestuous 
passage, yet, through God's mercy, all her people came safe, 
except Way his son, who fell from the spritsail yard in a 

1 Here enters upon our stage Roger Williams, one of the most illustrious 
and important characters concerned with early New England. During his life 
of eighty years (1603-1683) he affected the course of history in both the old 
and the new world as a conspicuous pioneer in vindicating freedom of con- 
science. Born probably in London, he was connected as a boy with Sir Edward 
Coke, the great lawyer, through whom he became a scholar of the Charterhouse, 
and afterwards of Pembroke College, Cambridge. He appears to have taken 
orders, and served as chaplain in the household of Sir W. Masham, in Essex, 
whose wife was a cousin of Cromwell. Fine opportunities lay before him, but 
he early became a zealous non-conformist, and when twenty-seven years old landed, 
as here related, from the Lyon, at Nantasket, to take part with the exiles. His 
name frequently recurs in the Journal, and his eventful career, so far as it affects 
Massachusetts Bay, will be touched upon in subsequent notes. Though out- 
spoken for toleration, Roger Williams in his later years made it plain that he was 
ready to repress anarchy by force, and in secular affairs to maintain proper 
subordination; a memorable utterance of his views is contained in a letter of 
1655, which has his oft-quoted comparison of a distressed commonwealth to a 
laboring ship {Narragansett Club Publications, VI. 278). With all his nobleness 
a certain extravagance must be noted in Roger Williams. Probably the best 
contemporary judgment is that of Bradford, governor of Plymouth: "a, man 
godly and zealous, having many precious parts, but very unsettled in judgment." 
{History of Plymouth Plantation, p. 299 of the edition in the present series.) 
That the Massachusetts General Court acted unjustly in the banishment of Roger 
Williams in 1635 is by no means universally admitted. See Henry M. Dexter, 
As to Roger Williams and his Banishment from the Massachusetts Plantation 
(Boston, 1876). 



tempest, and could not be recovered, though he kept in sight 
near a quarter of an hour. Her goods also came all in good 

8.] The governor went aboard the Lyon, riding by Long 

9.] The Lyon came to an anchor before Boston, where she 
rode very well, notwithstanding the great drift of ice. 

10.] The frost brake up; and after that, though we had 
many snows and sharp frost, yet they continued not, neither 
were the waters frozen up as before. It hath been observed, 
ever since this bay was planted by Englishmen, viz., seven 
years, that at this day the frost hath broken up every year. 

The poorer sort of people (who lay long in tents, etc.) 
were much afflicted with the scurvy, and many died, espe- 
cially at Boston and Charlestown; but when this ship came 
and brought store of juice of lemons, many recovered speedily. 
It hath been always observed here, that such as fell into dis- 
content, and lingered after their former conditions in England, 
fell into the scurvy and died. 

18.] Capt. Welden, a hopeful young gentleman, and an 
experienced soldier, died at Charlestown of a consumption, 
and was buried at Boston with a military funeral. 

Of the old planters, and such as came the year before, there 
were but two, (and those servants,) which had the scurvy 
in all the country. At Plymouth not any had it, no not of 
those, who came this year, whereof there were above sixty. 
Whereas, at their first planting there, near the half of their 
people died of it. 

A shallop of Mr. Glover's was cast away upon the rocks 
about Nahant, but the men were saved. 

Of those which went back in the ships this summer, for fear 
of death or famine, etc., many died by the way and after they 
were landed, and others fell very sick and low, etc. 

The Ambrose, whereof Capt. Lowe was master, being new 
masted at Charlton, spent all her masts near Newfoundland, 


and had perished, if Mr. Peirce, in the Lyon, who was her con- 
sort, had not towed her home to Bristol. Of the other ships 
which returned, three, viz., the Charles, the Success, and 
the Whale, were set upon by Dunkirkers, near Pl5rmouth in 
England, and after long fight, having lost many men, and 
being much torn, (especially the Charles,) they gat into 

The provision, which came to us this year, came at exces- 
sive rates, in regard of the deamess of corn in England, so as 
every bushel of wheat-meal stood us in fourteen shilUngs, peas 
eleven shillings, etc. Tonnage was at £6.11. 

22.] We held a day of thanksgiving for this ship's ar- 
rival, by order from the governor and council, directed to 
all the plantations. 

March 16.] About noon the chimney of Mr. Sharp's 
house in Boston took fire, (the splinters being not clayed 
at the top,)* and taking the thatch burnt it down, and the 
wind being N. W., drove the fire to Mr. Colburn's house, being 
[blank] rods off, and burnt that down also, yet they saved most 
of their goods. 

23.] Chickatabot^ came with his sannops and squaws, 
and presented the governor with a hogshead of Indian com. 

After they had all dined, and had each a small cup of sack 
and beer, and the men tobacco, he sent away all his men and 
women, (though the governor would have stayed them, in 
regard of the rain and thunder). Himself and one squaw 
and one sannop stayed all night, and, being in English clothes, 
the governor set him at his own table, where he behaved him- 
self as soberly, etc., as an Englishman. The next day after 
dinner he returned home, the governor giving him cheese 
and peas and a mug and some other small things. 

^ The chimney was plainly after the backwoods fashion of later times, of 
sticks, the interstices filled by mud. 

* Chickatabot's domain was on the Neponset River. For "sannop" the 
modern frontiersman would write "buck." 


26.] John* Sagamore and James his brother, with divers 
sannops, came to the governor to desire his letter for recovery of 
twenty beaver skins, which one Watts in England had forced [?] 
him of. The governor entertained them kindly, and gave him 
his letter with directions to Mr. Downing^ in England, etc. 

The night before, alarm was given in divers of the planta- 
tions. It arose through the shooting off some pieces at^Water- 
town, by occasion of a calf, which Sir Richard Saltonstall had 
lost; and the soldiers were sent out with their pieces to try 
the wilderness from thence till they might find it. 

29.] Sir Richard Saltonstall and his two daughters, and 
one of his younger sons, (his two eldest sons remained still in 
the country,) came down to Boston, and stayed that night at 
the governor's, and the next morning, by seven of the clock, 
accompanied with Mr. Peirce and others in two shallops, they 
departed to go to the ship riding at Salem. The governor 
gave them three drakes ^ at their setting sail, the wind being 
N. W. a stiff gale and full sea. Mr. Sharp went away at the 
same time in another shallop. 

About ten of the clock, Mr. Coddington * and Mr. Wilson, 
and divers of the congregation, met at the governor's, and 
there Mr. Wilson, praying and exhorting the congregation to 
love, etc., commended to them the exercise of prophecy^ in his 
absence, and designed those whom he thought most fit for it, 
viz., the governor, Mr. Dudley," and Mr. Nowell the elder. 

* The sway of this sachem extended from the Charles River near Watertown, 
toward the Mystic River. 

^ Emanuel Downing, brother-in-law of Winthrop, a man of wealth and in- 
fluence, was an immigrant of a later time. He was father of Sir George Down- 
ing, a man of great but not always savory reputation, who will be mentioned 
later. * Salutes from cannon so denominated. 

* William Coddington, a leading man through wealth and high character, 
for several years treasurer of Massachusetts Bay. He was driven forth at a later 
time during the "antinomian excitement", and became founder and governor of 
the Rhode Island or Aquidneck plantation, as Roger Williams was of Providence. 

""Prophecy," the Puritan equivalent of preaching. 

'Thomas Dudley, now deputy-governor, afterward governor, stood second 
only to Winthrop among the lay citizens of the colony. Savage's judgment of him 


Then he desired the governor to commend himself and the 
rest to God by prayer; which being done, they accompanied 
him to the boat, and so they went over to Charlestown to go 
by land to the ship. This ship set sail from Salem, April 1, 
and arrived at London (all safe) April 29. 

April.] The beginning of this month we had very much 
rain and warm weather. It is a general rule, that when the 
wind blows twelve hours in any part of the east, it brings 
rain or snow in great abundance. 

4.] Wahginnacut, a sagamore upon the River Quonehta- 
cut ^ which hes west of Naragancet, came to the governor at 
Boston, with John Sagamore, and Jack Straw, (an Indian, who 
had lived in England and had served Sir Walter Raleigh [?], and 
was now turned Indian again,) and divers of their sannops, 
and brought a letter to the governor from Mr. Endecott to 
this effect: That the said Wahginnacut was very desirous to 
have some Englishmen to come plant in his country, and offered 
to find them com, and give them yearly eighty skins of beaver, 
and that the country was very fruitful, etc., and wished that 
there might be two men sent with him to see the country. 
The governor entertained them at dinner, but would send 
none with him. He discovered after, that the said sagamore 
is a very treacherous man, and at war with the Pekoath^ (a far 
greater sagamore). His country is not above five days' 
journey from us by land. 

12.] At a court holden at Boston, (upon information to the 
governor, that they of Salem had called Mr. Williams to the 
office of a teacher,)' a letter was written from the court to Mr. 

is harsh, and has been controverted of late years. See Augustine Jones, Life of 
Thomas Dudley. He was undoubtedly a worthy and serviceable character, 
though severely Puritan, and was the ancestor of a long and distinguished line. 
Before the immigration, as steward of the Earl of Lincoln he became a well 
trained man of affairs, in touch with the great world. In early life he served as 
a soldier under Henry IV. of France. His figure in the story is only less promi- 
nent than that of Winthrop. 

* Connecticut. * Pequot. 

' Roger Williams, who reached New England in 1631, was soon invited to 


Endecott to this effect : That whereas Mr. Williams had refused 
to join with the congregation at Boston, because they would 
not make a public declaration of their repentance for having 
communion with the churches of England, while they Hved 
there; and, besides, had declared his opinion, that the magis- 
trate might not punish the breach of the Sabbath, nor any other 
offence, as it was a breach of the first table; therefore, they 
marvelled they would choose him without advising with the 
council; and withal desiring him, that they would forbear to 
proceed till they had conferred about it. 

13.] Chickatabot came to the governor, and desired to buy 
some EngHsh clothes for himself. The governor told him, 
that English sagamores did not use to truck ; but he called his 
tailor and gave him order to make him a suit of clothes; 
whereupon he gave the governor two large skins of coat beaver, 
and, after he and his men had dined, they departed, and said 
he would come again three days after for his suit. 

14.] We began a court of guard upon the neck between 
Roxbury and Boston, whereupon should be always resident an 
officer and six men. 

An order was made last court, that no man should dis- 
charge a piece after sunset, except by occasion of alarm. 

15.] Chickatabot came to the governor again, and he put 
him into a very good new suit from head to foot, and after he 
set meat before them; but he would not eat till the governor 
had given thanks, and after meat he desired him to do the like, 
and so departed. 

fill the place of John Wilson, who had gone to England on a visit. Finding 
fault with his conp;regation as " unseparated " from the Church of England, or 
not formally withdrawn, and disliking the control assumed by the Boston church 
over the individual conscience, he went in April to Salem, succeeding there as 
teacher Francis Higginson, who had lately died. The passage makes plain the 
disapproval by those in power of the haste of the Salem church. Williams con- 
tinued uncompromising in his opposition. "The first table", breaches of which 
the magistrates, in his idea, had no right to punish, included the four command- 
ments of the decalogue first in order. In a few months, he left Salem for the 
more congenial atmosphere of Plymouth. 


21.] The house of John Page of Watertown was burnt by 
carrying a few coals from one house to another: a coal fell by 
the way and kindled in the leaves. 

One Mr. Gardiner, (calling himself Sir Christopher Gardi- 
ner/ knight of the golden mehce,) being accused to have 
two wives in England, was sent for; but he had intelligence, 
and escaped, and travelled up and down among the Indians 
about a month ; but, by means of the governor of Plymouth, 
he was taken by the Indians about Namasket,^ and brought 
to Plymouth, and from thence he was brought, by Capt. 
UnderhilP and his Lieut. Dudley, May 4, to Boston. 

16] There was an alarm given to all our towns in the night, 
by occasion of a piece which was shot off, (but where could 
not be known,) and the Indians having sent us word the day 
before, that the Mohawks were coming down against them 
and us. 

17.] A general court at Boston." The former governor 
was chosen again, and all the freemen of the commons were 
sworn to this government. At noon, Cheeseborough's house 
was burnt down, all the people being present. 

' As to Sir Christopher Gardiner's true character and purposes much doubt 
prevails. He is surmised to have been a spy or agent of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 
His Hfe was not reputable, nor did he avoid giving occasion for suspicion. Prob- 
ably it was not treatment unduly harsh to send him out of the country, but it 
was impolitic. Together with Thomas Morton and Ratcliffe (presently to be 
mentioned, an humbler associate, who had suffered the New England discipHne), 
he bitterly denounced in England the administration of Massachusetts Bay. 
See Adams, Three Episodes, 250 et seqq. 

^ Namasket, later Middlcborough. See Bradford, History of Plymouth 
Plantation, in this series, pp. 286-288. 

^ Captain John Underbill often appears in Winthrop's narrative — a forceful 
personality sometimes serviceable, as in the Pequot war, but often troublesome 
and dangerous. We find him hypocritical and licentious, under a religious mask 
practising evil. He was subjected to merited punishment, and in later years 
played a part in New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Long Island. 

* The General Court was the annual meeting of the members or stockholders 
of the Massachusetts Company. According to the charter a general court for 
elections should take place April 18 [not 17], 1631. The General Court was at 
the beginning, and until 1634, a primary assembly; but by recent and temporary 
legislation the choice of governor was entrusted to the assistants. 


27.] There came from Virginia into Salem a pinnace of 
eighteen tons, laden with corn and tobacco. She was bound 
to the north, and put in there by foul weather. She sold 
her corn at ten shillings the bushel. 

June 14.] At a court, John Sagamore and Chickatabot 
being told at last court of some injuries that their men did to 
our cattle, and giving consent to make satisfaction, etc., now 
one of their men was complained of for shooting a pig, etc., 
for which Chickatabot was ordered to pay a small skin of 
beaver, which he presently paid. 

At this court one PhiHp Ratchff,^ a servant of Mr. Cradock, 
being convict, ore tenus, of most foul, scandalous invectives 
against our churches and government, was censured to be 
whipped, lose his ears, and be banished the plantation, which 
was presently executed. 

25.] There came a shallop from Pascataqua, which brought 
news of a small English ship come thither with provisions and 
some Frenchmen to make salt. By this boat, Capt. Neal, gov- 
ernor of Pascataqua, sent a packet of letters to the governor, 
directed to Sir Christopher Gardiner, which, when the governor 
had opened, he found it came from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
(who claims a great part of the Bay of Massachusetts). In 
the packet was one letter to Thomas Morton, (sent prisoner 
before into England upon the lord chief justice's warrant:) 
by both which letters it appeared, that he had some secret 
design to recover his pretended right, and that he reposed 
much trust in Sir Christopher Gardiner. 

These letters we opened, because they were directed to one, 
who was our prisoner, and had declared himself an ill wilier to 
our government.^ 

27.] There came to the governor Capt. Southcot [?] of 

^ However Ratcliffe may have offended, the barbarity of his punishment 
is very shocking. Savage cites evidence that it excited notice in England. 

* The fact that this paragraph was inserted at a later time into the margin 
of the Journal, suggests, thinks Savage, that the governor felt some compunction 


Dorchester, and brought letters out of the White Angel, 
(which was lately arrived at Sauco). She brought [blank] 
cows, goats, and hogs, and many provisions, for the bay and 
for Plymouth. Mr. Allerton returned in this ship, and by him 
we heard, that the Friendship, which put out from Barnstable 
[blank] weeks before the Angel, was forced home again by ex- 
tremity of foul weather, and so had given over her voyage. 
This ship, the Angel, set sail from [blank].^ 

July 4.] The governor built a bark at Mistick, which was 
launched this day, and called the Blessing of the Bay. 

6.] A small ship of sixty tons arrived at Natascott, Mr. 
Graves master. She brought ten passengers from London . They 
came with a patent to Sagadahock, but, not liking the place, 
they came hither. Their ship drew ten feet, and went up to 
Watertown, but she ran on ground twice by the way. These 
were the company called the Husbandmen, and their ship called 
the Plough . Most of them proved f amilists ^ and vanished away. 

13.] Canonicus' son, the great sachem of Naraganset, 
came to the governor's house with John Sagamore. After 
they had dined, he gave the governor a skin, and the governor 
requited him with a fair pewter pot, which he took very thank- 
fully, and stayed all night. 

*From Bristol. The Friendship and the White Angel figure largely in 
Bradford's pages, under this year. 

' Through ignorance and fanaticism many strange and even dangerous doc- 
trines prevailed in the seventeenth century, as the old repression relaxed. Ed- 
wards, a Presbyterian, a little later than this when the Independents were en- 
forcing toleration, wrote a book called Gangraena, in which are enumerated one 
hundred and seventy-six forms of false belief, some of which certainly were of 
a character to disquiet the friends of law and order. The Familists professed the 
principle that religion lay in love irrespective of faith, a tenet no doubt harmless 
when intelligently held, but liable in rude minds to run into licentious extremes. 
The magistrates can hardly be blamed for looking askance at the "Husband- 
men" who arrived in the Plough. The "Plough patent" which this forlorn com- 
pany were designed to occupy, lay in Maine, between Capes Porpoise and Eliza- 
beth: it was sometimes called Lygonia. The title was soon held to have no 
validity, and Lygonia "vanished away." For an account of its fortunes, see 
Charles Deane in Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, III. 322, 
and The Genealogist, new series, XIX. 270. 


14.] The ship called the Friendship, of Barnstable, ar- 
rived at Boston, after she had been at sea eleven weeks, and 
beaten back again by foul weather. She set sail from Barn- 
stable again about the midst of May. She landed here eight 
heifers, and one calf, and five sheep. 

21.] The governor, and deputy, and Mr. Nowell, the elder 
of the congregation at Boston, went to Watertown to confer 
with Mr. PhiUips, the pastor, and Mr. Brown, the elder of the 
congregation there, about an opinion, which they had pub- 
lished, that the churches of Rome were true churches. The 
matter was debated before many of both congregations, 
and, by the approbation of all the assembly, except three, was 
concluded an error. 

22.] The White Angel came into the bay. She landed 
here twenty-one heifers. 

26.] A small bark of Salem, of about twelve tons, coming 
towards the bay, John Elston and two of Mr. Cradock's fish- 
ermen being in her, and two tons of stone, and three hogs- 
heads of train oil, was overset in a gust, and, being buoyed 
up by the oil, she floated up and down forty-eight hours, and 
the three men sitting upon her, till Henry Way his boat, com- 
ing by, espied them and saved them. 

29.] The Friendship set sail for the Christopher Islands,^ 
and ran on ground behind Conant's Island. 

30.] The White Angel fell down for Plymouth, but, the 
wind not serving, she came to an anchor by Long Island, and 
ran on ground a week after, near Gurnett's Nose. 

Mr. Ludlow, in digging the foundation of his house at Dor- 
chester, found two pieces of French money: one was coined 
in 1596. They were in several places, and above a foot within 
the firm ground. 

August 8.] The Tarentines, to the number of one hundred, 
came in three canoes, and in the night assaulted the wigwam 
of the sagamore of Agawam,^ by Merimack, and slew seven 

' St. Christopher, in the West Indies. * Later, Ipswich. 


men, and wounded John Sagamore, and James, and some 
others, (whereof some died after,) and rifled a wigwam where 
Mr. Cradock's men kept to catch sturgeon, took away their 
nets and biscuit, etc. 

19.] The Plough returned to Charlestown, after she had 
been on her way to the Christopher Islands about three weeks, 
and was so broke she could not return home. 

31.] The governor's bark, called the Blessing of the Bay, 
being of thirty tons, went to sea. 

September 6.] The White Angel set sail from Marble 

About this time last year the company here set forth a 
pinnace to the parts about Cape Cod, to trade for corn, and it 
brought here above eighty bushels. This year again the Sa- 
lem pinnace, being bound thither for corn, was, by contrary 
winds, put into Plymouth, where the governor, etc., fell out 
with them, not only forbidding them to trade, but also telling 
them they would oppose them by force, even to the spending of 
their lives, etc. ; whereupon they returned, and acquainting the 
governor of Massachusetts with it, he wrote to the governor 
of Plymouth this letter, here inserted, with their answer, which 
came about a month after.* 

The wolves did much hurt to calves and swine between 
Charles River and Mistick. 

At the last court, a young fellow was whipped for soliciting 
an Indian squaw to incontinency. Her husband and she 
complained of the wrong, and were present at the execution, 
and very well satisfied. 

At the same court, one Henry Linne was whipped and ban- 
ished, for writing letters into England full of slander against 
our government and orders of our churches. 

17.] Mr. Shurd of Pemaquid sent home James Saga- 
more's wife, who had been taken away at the surprise at Aga- 

* These documents are not in the manuscripts of the Journal, and have 


warn, and writ that the Indians demanded [blank] fathom of 
wampampeague and [blank] skins for her ransom. 

27.] At a court, one Josias Plaistowe and two of his ser- 
vants were censured for stealing com from Chickatabot and 
his men, (who were present,) the master to restore two fold, 
and to be degraded from the title of a gentleman, and fined 
five pounds, and his men to be whipped.* 

October 4.] The Blessing went on a voyage to the east- 

11.] The governor, being at his farm house at Mistick, 
walked out after supper, and took a piece in his hand suppos- 
ing he might see a wolf, (for they came daily about the house, 
and killed swine and calves, etc. ;) and, being about half a mile 
off, it grew suddenly dark, so as, in coming home, he mistook 
his path, and went till he came to a Uttle house of Sagamore 
John, which stood empty. There he stayed, and having a 
piece of match in his pocket, (for he always carried about him 
match and a compass, and in summer time snake- weed,) he 
made a good fire near the house, and lay down upon some 
old mats, which he found there, and so spent the night, some- 
times walking by the fire, sometimes singing psalms, and some- 
times getting wood, but could not sleep. It was (through 
God's mercy) a warm night ; but a little before day it began 
to rain, and, having no cloak, he made shift by a long pole 
to chmb up into the house. In the morning, there came 
thither an Indian squaw, but perceiving her before she had 
opened the door, he barred her out ; yet she stayed there a great 
while essaying to get in, and at last she went away, and he 
returned safe home, his servants having been much perplexed 

^ " Copying exactly the sentence of the court, appears to me the best ex- 
planation of this passage: 'It is ordered, that Josias Plastowe shall (for stealing 
four baskets of corn from the Indians) return them eight baskets again, be fined 
£5, and hereafter to be called by the name of Josias and not Mr. as formerly 
he used to be; and that William Buckland and Thomas Andrew shall be 
whipped for being accessory to the same offence.' We must conclude, therefore, 
that our fathers thought the whipping of the servants a lighter punishment than 
the degradation of the master." (Savage.) 


for him, and having walked about, and shot off pieces, and 
hallooed in the night, but he heard them not. 

22.] The governor received a letter from Capt. Wiggin* 
of Pascataquack, informing him of a murder committed the 
third of this month at Richman's Isle, by an Indian sagamore, 
called Squidrayset, and his company, upon one Walter Bag- 
nail, called Great Watt, and one John P , who kept with 

him. They, having killed them, burnt the house over them, 
and carried away their guns and what else they liked. He 
persuaded the governor to send twenty men presently to take 
revenge ; but the governor, advising with some of the council, 
thought best to sit still awhile, partly because he heard that 
Capt. Neal, etc., were gone after them, and partly because of 
the season, (it being then frost and snow,) and want of boats 
fit for that expedition. This Bagnall was sometimes servant 
to one in the bay, and these three years had dwelt alone in the 
said isle, and had gotten about £400 most in goods. He was 
a wicked fellow, and had much wronged the Indians. 

25.] The governor, with Capt. Underbill and others of the 
officers, went on foot to Sagus,^ and next day to Salem, where 
they were bountifully entertained by Capt. Endecott, etc., 
and, the 28th, they returned to Boston by the ford at Sagus 
River, and so over at Mistick. 

A plentiful crop. 

30.] The governor, having erected a building of stone at 
Mistick, there came so violent a storm of rain, for twenty-four 
hours, from the N. E. and S. E. as (it being not finished, and 
laid with clay for want of Hme) two sides of it were washed 

1 " Thomas Wiggin was agent, -or governor, of the upper plantation, as Neal 
was of the lower. He was a worthy man, without doubt; for the Puritan peers, 
Say and Brooke, employed him as their representative, and he gave evidence in 
favor of our people against Gorges and Mason. In 1650, after the union of 
New Hampshire with our colony, he became one of the assistants, Hutch. I. 
150, and, two years later, was among the commissioners to receive the submis- 
sion of the inhabitants of Maine." (Savage.) Bagnall had been one of 
Morton's men at Merry Mount. Richmond Island is on the coast of Maine, 
just south of Cape Elizabeth. * Sagus or Saugus, later Lynn. 


down to the ground ; and much harm was done to other houses 
by that storm. 

Mr. P3Tichon's boat, coming from Sagadahock, was cast 
away at Cape Ann, but the men and chief goods saved, and 
the boat recovered. 

November 2.] The ship Lyon, Wilham Peirce master, ar- 
rived at Natascot.^ There came in her the governor's wife, 
his eldest son, and his wife, and others of his children, and 
Mr Eliot, ^ a minister, and other families, being in all about 
sixty persons, who all arrived in good health, having been ten 
weeks at sea, and lost none of their company but two children, 
whereof one was the governor's daughter Ann, about one year 
and a half old, who died about a week after they came to 

3.] The wind being contrary, the ship stayed at Long 
Island, but the governor's son came on shore, and that night 
the governor went to the ship, and lay aboard all night; 
and the next morning, the wind coming fair, she came to an 
anchor before Boston. 

4.] The governor, his wife and children, went on shore, 
with Mr. Peirce, in his ship's boat. The ship gave them six 
or seven pieces. At their landing, the captains, with their 
companies in arms, entertained them with a guard, and divers 
vollies of shot, and three drakes; and divers of the assistants 
and most of the people, of the near plantations, came to welcome 
them, and brought and sent, for divers days, great store 
of provisions, as fat hogs, kids, venison, poultry, geese, par- 

^ Captain Peirce and the Lyon, so serviceable to the new colony, brought 
over on this trip, beside much-needed supplies, important people. Margaret 
Winthrop, third wife of the governor, was a most worthy matron. Her piety, 
affection, and helpfulness, appear in her many letters, preserved in R. C. Win- 
throp, Life and Letters of John Winthrop, where also are abundant genealogical 
details as to the governor's family. John Winthrop, jr., stepson of Margaret, 
became the honored governor of Connecticut, and is only less distinguished in 
New England history than his father. 

* John Eliot, born in 1604, and educated at Jesus College, Cambridge, 
became in 1632 teacher at Roxbury, and later the famous apostle to the Indians. 
There will be mention of him hereafter. 


tridges, etc., so as the like joy and manifestation of love had 
never been seen in New England. It was a great marvel, that 
so much people and such store of provisions could be gathered 
together at so few hours' warning. 

11.] We kept a day of thanksgiving at Boston. 

17.] The governor of Plymouth^ came to Boston, and 
lodged in the ship. 

23.] Mr. Peirce went down to his ship, which lay at Nan- 
tascot. Divers went home with him into England by Virginia, 
as Sir Richard Saltonstall his eldest son and others ; and they 
were six weeks in going to Virginia. 

The congregation at Watertown (whereof Mr. George Phil- 
lips was pastor) had chosen one Richard Brown for their elder, 
before named, who, persisting in his opinion of the truth of the 
Romish church, and maintaining other errors withal, and 
being a man of a very violent spirit, the court wrote a letter 
to the congregation, directed to the pastor and brethren, to 
advise them to take into consideration, whether Mr. Brown 
were fit to be continued their elder or not; to which, after 
some weeks, they returned answer to this effect: That if we 
would take the pains to prove such things as were objected 
against him, they would endeavor to redress them. 

December 8.] The said congregation being much divided 
about their elder, both parties repaired to the governor for 
assistance, etc.; whereupon he went to Watertown, with the 
deputy governor and Mr. Nowell, and the congregation being 
assembled, the governor told them, that being come to settle 
peace, etc., they might proceed in three distinct respects:: 1. 
As the magistrates, (their assistance being desired). 2. As 
members of a neighboring congregation. 3. Upon the an- 
swer which we received of our letter, which did no way satisfy 
us. But the pastor, Mr. PhilHps, desired us to sit with them 
as members of a neighboring congregation only, whereto the 
governor, etc., consented. 

1 William Bradford, 


Then the one side, which had first complained, were moved 
to open their grievances ; which they did to this effect : That 
they could not communicate with their elder, being guilty of 
errors, both in judgment and conversation. After much de- 
bate of these things, at length they were reconciled, and agreed 
to seek God in a day of humiliation, and so to have a solemn 
imiting; each party promising to reform what hath been 
amiss, etc.; and the pastor gave thanks to God, and the as- 
sembly brake up. 


January 27.] The governor, and some company with him, 
went up by Charles River about eight miles above Watertown, 
and named the first brook, on the north side of the river, 
(being a fair stream, and coming from a pond a mile from the 
river,) Beaver Brook, because the beavers had shorn down 
divers great trees there, and made divers dams across the 
brook. Thence they went to a great rock, upon which stood 
a high stone, cleft in sunder, that four men might go through, 
which they called Adam's Chair, because the youngest of their 
company was Adam Winthrop. Thence they came to another 
brook, greater than the former, which they called Masters' 
Brook, because the eldest of their company was one John 
Masters. Thence they came to another high pointed rock, 
having a fair ascent on the west side, which they called Mount 
Feake, from one Robert Feake, who had married the gov- 
ernor's daughter-in-law. On the west side of Mount Feake, 
they went up a very high rock, from whence they might see all 
over Neipnett, and a very high hill due west, about forty 
miles off, and to the N. W. the high hills by Merrimack, above 
sixty miles off.^ 

February 7.] The governor, Mr. Nowell, Mr. EHot, and 
others, went over Mistick River at Medford, and going N. and 
by E. among the rocks about two or three miles, they came to 
a very great pond, having in the midst an island of about one 
acre, and very thick with trees of pine and beech; and the 
pond had divers small rocks, standing up here and there in it, 
which they therefore called Spot Pond.^ They went all about 

' It is easy to-day to trace the governor's routes. Beaver Brook still retains 
its name; the mountain seen to the west was Wachusett; the spurs of Monadnoc 
are the highlands northward. ^ It is still "Spot Pond." 



it upon the ice. From thence (towards the N. W. about half 
a mile,) they came to the top of a very high rock, beneath 
which, (towards the N.) Hes a goodly plain, part open land, 
and part woody, from whence there is a fair prospect, but it 
being then close and rainy, they could see but a small distance. 
This place they called Cheese Rock, because, when they went 
to eat somewhat, they had only cheese, (the governor's man 
forgetting, for haste, to put up some bread). 

14.] The governor and some other company went to view 
the country as far as Neponsett, and returned that night. 

17.] The governor and assistants called before them, at 
Boston, divers of Watertown; the pastor and elder by letter, 
and the others by warrant. The occasion was, for that a war- 
rant being sent to Watertown for levying of £8, part of a rate 
of £60, ordered for the fortifying of the new town,^ the pastor 
and elder, etc., assembled the people and deUvered their opin- 
ions, that it was not safe to pay moneys after that sort, for fear 
of bringing themselves and posterity into bondage. Being 
come before the governor and council, after much debate, they 
acknowledged their fault, confessing freely, that they were in 
an error, and made a retractation and submission under their 
hands, and were enjoined to read it in the assembly the next 
Lord's day. The ground of their error was, for that they took 
this government to be no other but as of a mayor and aldermen, 
who have not power to make laws or raise taxations without 
the people; but understanding that this government was 
rather in the nature of a parliament, and that no assistant 
could be chosen but by the freemen, who had power hkewise 
to remove the assistants and put in others, and therefore at 
every general court (which was to be held once every year) 
they had free liberty to consider and propound anj^hing con- 
cerning the same, and to declare their grievances, without being 

* Newtown, later Cambridge. Old willows still exist which perhaps de- 
scend from stocks in the ancient palisade. Jones, Life of Dudley, gives an interest- 
ing picture of a group till lately standing in Holmes Field. 


subject to question, or, etc., they were fully satisfied; and so 
their submission was accepted, and their offence pardoned/ 

March 5.] The first court after winter. It was ordered, 
that the courts (which before were every three weeks) should 
now be held the first Tuesday in every month. 

Conamissioners appointed to set out the bounds of the towns. 

14.] The bark Warwick arrived at Natascott, having been 
at Pascataquack and at Salem to sell corn, which she brought 
from Virginia. At her coming into Natascott, with a S. E. 
wind, she was in great danger, by a sudden gust, to be cast 
away upon the rocks. 

19.] She came to Winysemett. 

Mr. Maverick, one of the ministers of Dorchester, in drying 
a little powder, (which took fire by the heat of the fire pan,) 
fired a small barrel of two or three pounds, yet did no other 
harm but singed his clothes. It was in the new meeting-house, 
which was thatched, and the thatch only blacked a little. 

April 3.] At a court at Boston, the deputy, Mr. Dudley, 
went away before the court was ended, and then the secretary 

^ The new government was changing essentially, and Winthrop's account 
being meagre, Savage's note may be quoted. " In the objection of these gentle- 
men of Watertown, there was much force, for no power was by the charter granted 
to the governor and assistants to raise money by levy, assessment or taxation. 
Indeed, the same may be said of the right of making general orders or laws; for 
the directors of the company, or court of assistants, could only be executive. 
The company, or great body of the corporation, however, submitted at first to 
the mild and equal temporary usurpation of the officers, chosen by themselves, 
which was also justified by indisputable necessity. So simply patriarchal was the 
government, and so indifferent was the majority of the settlers to retain their full 
charter rights, that, at the first general court, or meeting of the whole company, 
held at Boston, 19 October after their arrival, 'for the establishing of the govern- 
ment, it was propounded, if it were not the best course, that the freemen should 
have the power of choosing assistants, when there are to be chosen, and the 
assistants, from amongst themselves, to choose a governor and deputy governor, 
who, with the assistants, should have the power of making laws and choosing 
officers to execute the same. This was fully assented unto by the general vote of 
the people and erection of hands.' Col. Rec, I. 62. Such an extraordinary sur- 
render of power proves, that no jealousy was excited by the former assumption, 
by the .governor and assistants, of the legislative, in addition to the executive and 
judicial fimctions, with which the charter seems to invest them." 


delivered the governor a letter from him, directed to the gov- 
ernor and assistants, wherein he declared a resignation of his 
deputyship and place of assistant; but it was not allowed. 

At this court an act was made expressing the governor's 
power, etc., and the office of the secretary and treasurer, etc. 

9.] The bark Warwick, and Mr. Maverick's pinnace, went 
out towards Virginia. 

12.] The governor received letters from Plymouth, signify- 
ing, that there had been a broil between their men at Sowam- 
set and the Naraganset Indians, who set upon the English 
house there to have taken Owsamequin,^ the sagamore of 
Packanocott,^ who was fled thither with all his people for 
refuge ; and that Capt. Standish, being gone thither to relieve 
the three English, which were in the house, had sent home in 
all haste for more men and other provisions, upon intelHgence 
that Canonicus, with a great army, was coming against them. 
Withal they writ to our governor for some powder to be sent 
with all possible speed, (for it seemed they were unfurnished). 
Upon this the governor presently despatched away the mes- 
senger with so much powder as he could carry, viz., twenty- 
seven pounds. 

16.] The messenger returned, and brought a letter from 
the governor, signifying, that the Indians were retired from 
Sowams to fight with the Pequins, which was probable, be- 
cause John Sagamore and Chickatabott were gone with all 
their men, viz., John Sagamore with thirty, and Chickatabott 
with [blank] to Canonicus, who had sent for them. 

A wear was erected by Watertown men upon Charles 
River, three miles above the town, where they took great 
store of shads. 

A Dutch ship brought from Virginia two thousand bushels 
of corn, which was sold at four shillings sixpence the bushel. 

May 1.] The governor and assistants met at Boston to 

* Osamequin, better known as Massasoit, was a friend of the English and 
father of the more famous Metacom, or King Phihp. ' Pokanoket. 


consider of the deputy his deserting his place/ The points dis- 
cussed were two. The 1st, upon what grounds he did it: 2d, 
whether it were good or void. For the 1st, his main reason 
was for pubhc peace ; because he must needs discharge his con- 
science in speaking freely; and he saw that bred disturbance, 
etc. For the 2d, it was maintained by all, that he could not 
leave his place, except by the same power which put him in ; 
yet he would not be put from his contrary opinion, nor would 
be persuaded to continue till the general court, which was to 
be the 9th of this month. 

Another question fell out with him, about some bargains he 
had made with some poor men, members of the same congre- 
gation, to whom he had sold seven bushels and an half of corn 
to receive ten for it after harvest, which the governor and 
some others held to be oppressing usury, and within compass 
of the statute ; but he persisted to maintain it to be lawful, and 
there arose hot words about it, he telling the governor, that, 
if he had thought he had sent for him to his house to give him 
such usage, he would not have come there ; and that he never 
knew any man of understanding of other opinion; and that 
the governor thought otherwise of it, it was his weakness. 
The governor took notice of these speeches, and bare them 
with more patience than he had done, upon a like occasion, at 
another time. Upon this there arose another question, about 
his house. The governor having formerly told him, that 
he did not well to bestow such cost about wainscotting and 
adorning his house, in the beginning of a plantation, both in 
regard of the necessity of public charges, and for example, etc., 
his answer now was, that it was for the warmth of his house, 
and the charge was little, being but clapboards nailed to the 
wall in the form of wainscot. These and other speeches 
passed before dinner. After dinner, the governor told them, 
that he had heard, that the people intended, at the next 

* Dudley's dissatisfaction with the Winthrop regime will before long mani- 
fest itself more violently. 


general court, to desire, that the assistants might be chosen 
anew every year, and that the governor might be chosen 
by the whole court, and not by the assistants only. Upon 
this, Mr. Ludlow grew into passion, and said, that then we 
should have no government, but there would be an interim, 
wherein every man might do what he pleased, etc. This was 
answered and cleared in the judgment of the rest of the as- 
sistants, but he continued stiff in his opinion, and protested he 
would then return back into England. 

Another business fell out, which was this. Mr. Clark* of 
Watertown had complained to the governor, that Capt. Pat- 
rick, being removed out of their town to Newtown, did com- 
pel them to watch near- Newtown, and desired the governor, 
that they might have the ordering within their own town. The 
governor answered him, that the ordering of the watch did 
properly belong to the constable ; but in those towns where the 
captains dwelt, they had thought fit to leave it to them, and 
since Capt. Patrick was removed, the constable might take 
care of it; but advised him withal to acquaint the deputy 
with it, and at the court it should be ordered. Clark went 
right home and told the captain, that the governor had ordered, 
that the constable should set the watch, (which was false;) 
but the captain answered somewhat rashly, and hke a soldier, 
which being certified to the governor by three witnesses, he 
sent a warrant to the constable to this effect, that whereas some 
difficulty was fallen out, etc., about the watch, etc., he should, 
according to his office, see due watch should be kept till the 
court had taken order in it. This much displeased the captain, 
who came to this meeting to have it redressed. The governor 
told the rest what he had done, and upon what ground; 
whereupon they refused to do anything in it till the court. 

While they were thus sitting together, an Indian brings a 

* John Clark, as constable of Watertown, was a civil oflScial, while Patrick 
belonged to the class of whom Miles Standish, John Mason, and John Underbill 
were types, veteran soldiers who trained to good purpose the planters, exposed 
to many perils. 


letter from Capt. Standish, then at Sowams, to this effect, that 
the Dutchmen (which lay for trading at Anygansett or Nara- 
gansett) had lately informed him, that many Pequins (who 
were professed enemies to the Anagansetts) had been there 
divers days, and advised us to be watchful, etc., giving other 
reasons, etc. 

Thus the day was spent and no good done, which was the 
more uncomfortable to most of them, because they had com- 
mended this meeting to God in more earnest manner than 
ordinary at other meetings. 

May 8.] A general court at Boston. Whereas it was 
(at our first coming) agreed, that the freemen should choose 
the assistants, and they the governor, the whole court agreed 
now, that the governor and assistants should all be new 
chosen every year by the general court, (the governor to be 
always chosen out of the assistants;) and accordingly the old 
governor, John Winthrop, was chosen; accordingly all the 
rest as before, and Mr. Humfrey* and Mr. Coddington also, 
because they were daily expected. 

The deputy governor, Thomas Dudley, Esq., having sub- 
mitted the validity of his resignation to the vote of the court, 
it was adjudged a nuUity, and he accepted of his place again, 
and the governor and he being reconciled the day before, all 
things were carried very lovingly amongst all, etc., and the 
people carried themselves with much silence and modesty. 

John Winthrop, the governor's son, was chosen an assistant. 

A proposition was made by the people, that every company 
of trained men might choose their own captain and officers; 
but the governor giving them reasons to the contrary, they 
were satisfied without it. 

Every town chose two men to be at the next court, to advise 
with the governor and assistants about the raising of a public 
stock, so as what they should agree upon should bind all, etc. 

* Humfrey did not arrive until 1634 nor Coddington till 1633 — noteworthy 
men, accounts of whom are deferred for the present. 


This court was begun and ended with speeches for the, etc., 
as formerly. 

The governor, among other things, used this speech to 
the people, after he had taken his oath: That he had received 
gratuities from divers towns, which he received with much 
comfort and content; he had also received many kindnesses 
from particular persons, which he would not refuse, lest he 
should be accounted imcourteous, etc.; but he professed, 
that he received them with a trembUng heart, in regard of 
God's rule, and the consciousness of his own infirmity; and 
therefore desired them, that hereafter they would not take 
it ill, if he did refuse presents from particular persons, except 
they were from the assistants, or from some special friends; 
to which no answer was made ; but he was told after, that many 
good people were much grieved at it, for that he never had any 
allowance towards the charge of his place. 

24.] The fortification upon the Corn Hill at Boston was 

25.] Charlestown men came and wrought upon the forti- 

Roxbury the next, and Dorchester the next. 

26.] The Whale arrived with Mr. Wilson, Mr. Dummer,* 
and about thirty passengers, all in health ; and of seventy cows 
lost but two. She came from Hampton, April 8th. Mr. 
Graves was master. 

June 5.] The William and Francis, Mr. Thomas master, 
with about sixty passengers, whereof Mr. Welde^ and old 

1 John Wilson, who had been much missed, now returns with a wife. Rich- 
ard Dummer will appear hereafter as an engaging character. He was ancestor 
of Jeremy and William Dummer, eminent citizens of a later time. The name 
of the family is still commemorated in Dummer Academy, Newbury. 

" Thomas Welde, coming from Essex, at once became pastor at Roxbury, as 
John Eliot was teacher. He will appear often as one of the ablest and strictest 
upholders of the theocracy, being particularly active against Anne Hutchinson. 
Savage and others have wrongly ascribed to him the authorship of a book really 
written by Winthrop, A Short Story of the Rise, Reign, and Ruin of the Antino- 
mians, Familists, and Libertines that infested the Churches of New England, 
portions of which are included in this volume. Welde returned to England in 


Mr. Batchelor* (beirig aged 71) were, with their families, 
and many other honest men ; also, the Charles of Barnstable, 
with near eighty cows and six mares, Mr. Hatherly,^ the mer- 
chant, and about twenty passengers, all safe, and in health. 
They set sail, viz., the William and Francis from London, 
March the 9th, and the Charles from Barnstable, April 10th, 
and met near Cape Ann. Mr. Winslow^ of Plymouth came in 
the William and Francis. 

12.] The James, Mr. Grant master, arrived. Her passage 
was eight weeks from London. She brought sixty-one heifers 
and lost forty, and brought twelve passengers. 

1641, with Hugh Peter, as agent of the colony. He was more in sympathy with 
the intolerance of the Presbyterians than with the free spirit of Independency. 
He bore himself with consistency, conforming neither to Independency when it 
was in power, nor later to the restored Church of England, being ejected at the 
Restoration from his living in Durham. 

' Stephen Batchelor, who soon became minister at Lynn, was, like Dummer, 
one of the " Company of Husbandmen." 

^ Timothy Hatherley, frequently mentioned by Bradford as one of the mer- 
chants who aided the Pilgrims, was the founder of Scituate. 

^ Edward Winslow, a Worcestershire gentleman, born in 1595, was socially 
highest in station among the Plymouth men. He became later the most con- 
spicuous in the band and was surpassed in usefulness only by Bradford and 
Brewster, if by them. He is the only one of the Plymouth men whose portrait 
has been transmitted to us. His marriage with the widow of William White, 
mother of Peregrine White, the first white child born in New England, was the 
earliest marriage in New England, May 12, 1621. He travelled over Europe 
before coming to America, and after coming was the trusted agent of his colony 
on various distant commissions, both in America and England. In 1633 he 
became governor of Plymouth for a year, but his tact and experience fitted him 
especially for work of a different kind. In 1635 he was again sent to England 
to represent not only Plymouth but Massachusetts Bay at the English court. 
Here he encountered the malcontents, who, smarting under Puritan discipline, 
were traducing New England. Through Thomas Morton of Merry Mount he 
suffered imprisonment. Returning to America, he was again chosen governor 
of Plymouth, but soon took the position of magistrate, becoming in 1643 a com- 
missioner of the United Colonies. As he before pleaded and suffered in the 
presence of the King and Laud in behalf of the colonies, so now he confronted 
Gorton and others, who accused New England before the powers of the new 
regime. In 1646 we find him again in the old world, where he gained favor 
under the Commonwealth, and in 1655 was sent by Cromwell as one of the com- 
missioners to direct an expedition to the West Indies. Here soon after the 
capture of Jamaica he died. He was humane as well as wise, his work with 
and for the Indians especially showing his kindly spirit. 


13.] A day of thanksgiving in all the plantations, by 
public authority, for the good success of the king of Sweden, 
and Protestants in Germany, against the emperor, etc.,* 
and for the safe arrival of all the ships, they having not lost 
one person, nor one sick among them. 

14.] The governor was invited to dinner aboard the 
Whale. The master fetched him in his boat, and gave him 
three pieces at his going off. 

The French came in a pinnace to Penobscot, and rifled a 
trucking house belonging to Plymouth, carrying thence three 
hundred weight of beaver and other goods .^ They took also 
one Dixy Bull and his shallop and goods. 

One Abraham Shurd of Pemaquid, and one Capt. Wright, 
and others, coming to Pascataquack, being bound for this 
bay in a shallop with £200 worth of commodities, one of the 
seamen, going to light a pipe of tobacco, set fire on a barrel 
of powder, which tare the boat in pieces. That man was 
never seen: the rest were all saved, but the goods lost. 

The man, that was blown away with the powder in the boat 
at Pascataquack, was after found with his hands and feet torn 
off. This fellow, being wished by another to forbear to take 
any tobacco, till they came to the shore, which was hard by, 
answered, that if the devil should carry him away quick, he 
would take one pipe. Some in the boat were so drunk and 
fast asleep, as they did not awake with the noise. 

A shallop of one Henry Way of Dorchester, having 
been, missing all the winter, it was found that the men in 
her, being five, were all killed treacherously by the eastern 

Another shallop of his being sent out to seek out the other, 
was cast away at Aquamenticus, and two of the men 
drowned. A fishing shallop at Isle of Shoals was overset. 

^The victory of Gustavus at Breitenfeld, followed by his occupation of 
Frankfort and Mainz, and the successes of the elector of Saxony in Bohemia. 
' See Bradford, pp. 284, 285, in this series. 


One Noddle, an honest man of Salem, carrying wood in a 
canoe, in the South River, was overturned and drowned. 

July.] At a training at Watertown, a man of John Old- 
ham's,* having a musket, which had been long charged with 
pistol bullets, not knowing of it, gave fire, and shot three 
men, two into their bodies, and one into his hands; but it 
was so far off, as the shot entered the skin and stayed there, 
and they all recovered. 

The congregation at Boston wrote to the elders and brethren 
of the churches of Plymouth, Salem, etc., for their advice in 
three questions: 1. Whether one person might be a civil 
magistrate and a ruHng elder at the same time? 2. If not, 
then which should be laid down? 3. Whether there might 
be divers pastors in the same church? — ^The 1st was agreed 
by all negatively; the 2d doubtfully; the 3d doubtful also. 

The strife in Watertown congregation continued still; but 
at length they gave the separatists a day to come in, or else 
to be proceeded against. 

5.] At the day, all came in and submitted, except John 
Masters, who, though he were advised by divers ministers and 
others, that he had offended in turning his back upon the 
sacrament, and departing out of the assembly, etc., because 
they had then admitted a member whom he judged unfit, etc. ; 
yet he persisted. So the congregation (being loath to proceed 
against him) gave him a further day; 8, at which time, he 
continuing obstinate, they excommunicated him; but, about 
a fortnight after, he submitted himself, and was received in 

At Watertown there was (in the view of divers witnesses) 
a great combat between a mouse and a snake; and, after a 

^ John Oldham came to Plymouth in 1623, and proving to be a disturber 
of the colony, became a rover. He had more courage and enterprise than piety, 
settling at Nantasket, then at Cape Ann, then at Watertown. In 1633, with three 
companions he made his way through the woods to the Connecticut, becoming the 
pioneer of the English occupation there. In 1636, as we shall see, his murder 
by the Indians, in his shallop, near Block Island, brought on the Pequot war. 


long fight, the mouse prevailed and killed the snake. The 
pastor of Boston, Mr. Wilson, a very sincere, holy man, hearing 
of it, gave this interpretation : That the snake was the devil ; 
the mouse was a poor contemptible people, which God had 
brought hither, which should overcome Satan here, and dis- 
possess him of his kingdom. Upon the same occasion, he told 
the governor, that, before he was resolved to come into this 
country, he dreamed he was here, and that he saw a church 
arise out of the earth, which grew up and became a marvellous 
goodly church. 

After many imparlances and days of humiliation, by those 
of Boston and Roxbury, to seek the Lord for Mr. Welde his 
disposing, and the advice of those of Plymouth being taken, 
etc., at length he resolved to sit down with them of Roxbury. 

August 3.] The deputy, Mr. Thomas Dudley, being still 
discontented with the governor, partly for that the governor 
had removed the frame of his house, which he had set up at 
Newtown, and partly for that he took too much authority upon 
him, (as he conceived,) renewed his complaints to Mr. Wilson 
and Mr. Welde, who acquainting the governor therewith, a 
meeting was agreed upon at Charlestown, where were present 
the governor and deputy, Mr. Nowell, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Welde, 
Mr. Maverick, and Mr. Warham. The conference being be- 
gun with calling upon the Lord, the deputy began, — that how- 
soever he had some particular grievances, etc.; yet, seeing 
he was advised by those present, and divers of the assistants, 
to be silent in them, he would let them pass, and so come first 
to complain of the breach of promise, both in the governor 
and others, in not building at Newtown. The governor an- 
swered, that he had performed the words of the promise ; for 
he had a house up, and seven or eight servants abiding in it, 
by the day appointed: and for the removing of his house, he 
alleged, that, seeing that the rest of the assistants went not 
about to build, and that his neighbors of Boston had been 
discouraged from removing thither by Mr. Deputy himself, 


and thereupon had (under all their hands) petitioned him, 
that (according to the promise he made to them when they 
first sate down with him at Boston, viz., that he would not 
remove, except they went with him) he would not leave them ; 
— this was the occasion that he removed his house. Upon 
these and other speeches to this purpose, the ministers went 
apart for one hour; then returning, they delivered their 
opinions, that the governor was in fault for removing of his 
house so suddenly, without conferring with the deputy and 
the rest of the assistants ; but if the deputy were the occasion 
of discouraging Boston men from removing, it would excuse 
the governor a tanto, but not a toto. The governor, professing 
himself willing to submit his own opinion to the judgment 
of so many wise and godly friends, acknowledged himself 

After dinner, the deputy proceeded in his complaint, yet 
with this protestation, that what he should charge the governor 
with, was in love, and out of his care of the public, and that 
the things which he should produce were but for his own 
satisfaction, and not by way of accusation. Then demanded 
he of him the ground and limits of his authority, whether by 
the patent or otherwise. The governor answered, that he was 
willing to stand to that which he propounded, and would chal- 
lenge no greater authority than he might by the patent. The 
deputy replied, that then he had no more authority than every 
assistant, (except power to call courts, and precedency, for 
honor and order). The governor answered, he had more; 
for the patent, making him a governor, gave him whatsoever 
power belonged to a governor by common law or the statutes, 
and desired him to show wherein he had exceeded, etc.; and 
speaking this somewhat apprehensively, the deputy began 
to be in passion, and told the governor, that if he were so roimd, 
he would be round too. The governor bad him be round, if 
he would. So the deputy rose up in great fury and passion, 
and the governor grew very hot also, so as they both fell into 


bitterness; but, by mediation of the mediators, they were 
soon pacified. Then the deputy proceeded to particulars, as 
f olloweth : 

1st. By what authority the governor removed the ord- 
nance and erected a fort at Boston. — ^The governor answered, 
that the ordnance lying upon the beach in danger of spoiling, 
and having often complained of it in the court, and nothing 
done, with the help of divers of the assistants, they were 
mounted upon their carriages, and removed where they might 
be of some use: and for the fort, it had been agreed, above 
a year before, that it should be erected there : and all this was 
done without any penny charge to the pubhc. 

2d. By what authority he lent twenty-eight pounds of 
powder to those of Plymouth. — Governor answered, it was of 
his own powder, and upon their urgent distress, their own 
powder proving naught, when they were to send to the rescue 
of their men at Sowamsett. 

3d. By what authority he had Hcensed Edward Johnson * 
to sit down at Merrimack. — Governor answered, that he had 
licensed him only to go forth on trading, (as he had done 
divers others,) as belonging to his place. 

4th. By what authority he had given them of Watertown 
leave to erect a wear upon Charles River, and had disposed of 
lands to divers, etc. — Governor answered, the people of Wa- 
tertown, falling very short of corn the last year, for want of 
fish, did complain, etc., and desired leave to erect a wear; and 
upon this the governor told them, that he could not give them 
leave, but they must seek it of the court ; but because it would 
be long before the courts began again, and, if they deferred till 
then, the season would be lost, he wished them to do it, and 

* Edward Johnson probably came with Winthrop, a man from Kent. His 
service was both mlHtary and civil, and in 1G42 he was one of the founders of 
Woburn. He lived long, his name occurring in various honorable connections. 
He is best known as author of a history of New England from 1G28 to 1652, The 
W onder-W orking Providence of Sion's Saviour in New England (London, 1654), 
which is to be reprinted in this series. 


there was no doubt but, being for so general a good, the court 
would allow of it; and, for his part, he would employ all his 
power in the court, so as he should sink under it, if it were not 
allowed; and besides, those of Roxbury had erected a wear 
without any license from the court. And for lands, he had 
disposed of none, otherwise than the deputy and other of the 
assistants had done, — he had only given his consent, but 
referred them to the court, etc. But the deputy had taken 
more upon him, in that, without order of court, he had em- 
paled, at Newtown, above one thousand acres, and had as- 
signed lands to some there. 

5th. By what authority he had given Ucense to RatcUff and 
Grey (being banished men) to stay within our hmits. — Gov- 
ernor answered, he did it by that authority, which was granted 
him in court, viz., that, upon any sentence in criminal causes, 
the governor might, upon cause, stay the execution till the 
next court. Now the cause was, that, being in the winter, they 
must otherwise have perished. 

6th. Why the fines were not levied. — Governor answered, 
it belonged to the secretary and not to him: he never refused 
to sign any that were brought to him; nay, he had called 
upon the secretary for it; yet he confessed, that it was his 
judgment, that it were not fit, in the infancy of a common- 
wealth, to be too strict in levying fines, though severe in other 

7th. That when a cause had been voted by the rest of the 
court, the governor would bring new reasons, and move them 
to alter the sentence: — which the governor justified, and all 

The deputy having made an end, the governor desired the 
mediators to consider, whether he had exceeded his authority 
or not, and how little cause the deputy had to charge him with 
it; for if he had made some slips, in two or three years' gov- 
ernment, he ought rather to have covered them, seeing he could 
not be charged that he had taken advantage of his authority 


to oppress or wrong any man, or to benefit himself; but, for 
want of a public stock, had disbursed all common charges 
out of his own estate ; whereas the deputy would never lay out 
one penny, etc.; and, besides, he could shew that under his 
hand, that would convince him of a greater exceeding his 
authority, than all that the deputy could charge him with, 
viz., that whereas Binks and Johnson were bound in open 
court to appear at next court to account to, etc., he had, out 
of court, discharged them of their appearance. The deputy 
answered, that the party, to whom they were to account, came 
to him and confessed that he was satisfied, and that the parties 
were to go to Virginia ; so he thought he might discharge them. 
Though the governor might justly have refused to answer 
these seven articles, wherewith the deputy had charged him, 
both for that he had no knowledge of them before, (the meet- 
ing being only for the deputy his personal grievances,) and also 
for that the governor was not to give account of his actions to 
any but to the court ; yet, out of his desire of the public peace, 
and to clear his reputation with those to whom the deputy had 
accused him, he was willing to give him satisfaction, to the 
end, that he might free him of such jealousy as he had con- 
ceived, that the governor intended to make himself popular, 
that he might gain absolute power, and bring all the assistants 
under his subjection; which was very improbable, seeing the 
governor had propounded in court to have an order established 
for limiting the governor's authority, and had himself drawn 
articles for that end, which had been approved and established 
by the whole court; neither could he justly be charged to have 
transgressed any of them. So the meeting breaking up, with- 
out any other conclusion but the commending the success of 
it by prayer to the Lord, the governor brought the deputy 
onward of his way, and every man went to his own home.^ 
See two pages after. 

1 Winthrop and Dudley were men differently constituted. While the former 
was mild, disposed to lenity, and always a seeker of peace, the latter was intol- 


5.] The sachem, who was joined with Canonicus, the great 
sachem of Naragansett, called Mecumeh, after Miantonomoh, 
being at Boston, where [he] had lodged two nights with his 
squaw, and about twelve sanapps, being present at the sermon, 
three of his sanapps went, in the meantime, and brake into a 
neighbor's house, etc. Complaint being made thereof to the 
governor, after evening exercise, he told the sachem of it, and 
with some difficulty caused him to make one of his sanapps to 
beat them, and then sent them out of the town; but brought 
the sachem and the rest of [the] company to his house, and 
made much of them, (as he had done before,) which he seemed 
to be well pleased with ; but that evening he departed. 

At a court not long before, two of Chickatabott's men 
were convented and convicted for assaulting some English 
of Dorchester in their houses, etc. They were put in the bil- 
boes, and Chickatabot required to beat them, which he did. 

The congregation of Boston and Charlestown began the 
meeting-house at Boston, for which, and Mr. Wilson's house, 
they had made a voluntary contribution of about one hundred 
and twenty pounds. 

14.] Fair weather and small wind, and N. E. at Boston, 
and, at the same time, such a tempest of wind N. E. a little 
without the bay, as no boat could bear sail, and one had her 
mast borne by the board. So again, when there hath [been] a 
very tempest at N. W. or W. in the bay, there hath been a 
stark calm one league or two off shore. 

This summer was very wet and cold, (except now and then 
a hot day or two,) which caused great store of musketoes and 
rattle-snakes. The corn, in the dry, sandy grounds, was much 
better than other years, but in the fatter grounds much worse, 
and in Boston, etc., much shorn down close by the ground 
with worms. 

erant, uncompromising, of quick temper, and disposed to ride roughshod. This 
is not the end of the discord between the two men. For full presentation of the 
matter see Winthrop, Lije and Letters of John Winthrop, and Jones, Thomas 
Vudley. The concluding four words refer to p. 91 post. 


The windmill was brought down to Boston, because, where it 
stood near Newtown, it would not grind but with a westerly wind. 

Mr. Oldham had a small house near the wear at Water- 
town, made all of clapboards, burnt down by making a fire in 
it when it had no chimney. 

This week they had in barley and oats, at Sagus, above 
twenty acres good com, and sown with the plough. 

Great store of eels and lobsters in the bay. Two or three 
boys have brought in a bushel of great eels at a time, and sixty 
great lobsters. 

The Braintree company, (which had begun to sit down at 
Mount Wollaston,) by order of court, removed to Newtown. 
These were Mr. Hooker's company.^ 

The governor's wife was delivered of a son, who was bap- 
tized by the name of William. The governor himself held 
the child to baptism, as others in the congregation did use. 
William signifies a common man, etc. 

30.] Notice being given of ten sagamores and many In- 
dians assembled at Muddy River,^ the governor sent Capt. 
Underhill, with twenty musketeers, to discover, etc.; but at 
Roxbury they heard they were broke up. 

September 4.] One Hopkins, of Watertown, was convict 
for selling a piece and pistol, with powder and shot, to James 
Sagamore, for which he had sentence to be whipped and 
branded in the cheek. It was discovered by an Indian, one 
of James's men, upon promise of concealing him, (for other- 
wise he was sure to be killed). 

* This is the first mention of a great figure in New England history. Thomas 
Hooker was born in Leicestershire in 1586. He was a scholar and fellow of 
Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and at this time, a man of mature years, was a 
"lecturer" at Braintree in Essex; the non-conforming ministers often con- 
tinued their ministrations under this name. In due time we shall have mention 
of his arrival in New England, and of his emigration, with many followers, to 
Connecticut, perhaps a democratic secession from Massachusetts. Of Hooker's 
influence in establishing the institutions of Connecticut, and their subsequent 
importance as related to the Constitution of the United States, see Johnston, 
Connecticut (Amt^rican Commonwealths Series), pp. 19, 69. 

' Muddy River, now Brookline. 


The ministers afterward, for an end of the difference be- 
tween the governor and deputy, ordered, that the governor 
should procure them a minister at Newtown, and contribute 
somewhat towards his maintenance for a time ; or, if he could 
not, by the spring, effect that, then to give the deputy, toward 
his charges in building there, twenty pounds. The governor 
accepted this order, and promised to perform it in one of the 
kinds. But the deputy, having received one part of the order, 
returned the same to the governor, with this reason to Mr. 
Wilson, that he was so well persuaded of the governor's love 
to him, and did prize it so much, as if they had given him one 
hundi'ed pounds instead of twenty pounds, he would not have 
taken it. 

Notwithstanding the heat of contention, which had been 
between the governor and deputy, yet they usually met about 
their affairs, and that without any appearance of any breach 
or discontent ; and ever after kept peace and good correspond- 
ency together, in love and friendship. 

One Jenkins, late an inhabitant of Dorchester, and now 
removed to Cape Porpus,^ went with an Indian up into [the] 
country with store of goods to truck, and, being asleep in a 
wigwam of one of Passaconamy's men, was killed in the 
night by an Indian, dwelling near the Mohawks' country, who 
fled away with his goods, but was fetched back by Passacona- 
my. There was much suspicion, that the Indians had some 
plot against the English, both for that many Naragansett men, 
etc., gathered together, who, with those of these parts, pretend- 
ed to make war upon the Neipnett men, and divers insolent 
speeches were used by some of them, and they did not frequent 
om* houses as they were wont, and one of their pawawes told 
us, that there was a conspiracy to cut us off to get our victuals 
and other substance. Upon this there was a camp pitched 
at Boston in the night, to exercise the soldiers against need 
might be ; and Capt. Underbill (to try how they would behave 

* Cape Porpoise, near the mouth of Saco River, Maine. 


themselves) caused an alarm to be given upon the quarters, 
which discovered the weakness of our people, who, like men 
amazed, knew not how to behave themselves, so as the officers 
could not draw them into any order. All the rest of the 
plantations took the alarm and answered it; but it caused 
much fear and distraction among the common sort, so as some, 
which knew of it before, yet through fear had forgotten, and 
believed the Indians had been upon us. We doubled our 
guards, and kept watch each day and night. 

14.] The rumor still increasing, the three next sagamores 
were sent for, who came presently to the governor. 

16, being the Lord's day.] In the evening Mr. Peirce, 
in the ship Lyon, arrived, and came to an anchor before Boston. 
He brought one hundred and twenty-three passengers, whereof 
fifty children, all in health; and lost not one person by the 
way, save his carpenter, who fell overboard as he was caulking 
a port. They had been twelve weeks aboard, and eight weeks 
from the Land's End. He had five days east wind and thick 
fog, so as he was forced to come, all that time, by the lead; 
and the first land he made was Cape Ann. 

22.] The Barnstable ship went out at Pullen Point ^ to 
Marble Harbor. 

27.] A day of thanksgiving at Boston for the good 
news of the prosperous success of the king of Sweden, etc.,^ 
and for the safe arrival of the last ship and all the passengers, 

October 18.] Capt. Camock, and one Mr. Godfry, a mer- 
chant, came from Pascataquack in Captain Neal his pinnace, 
and brought sixteen hogsheads of corn to the mill. They 
went away November \hlank\ 

25.] The governor, with Mr. Wilson, pastor of Boston, 
and the two captains, etc., went aboard the Lyon, and from 

* Pullen's Point, in Boston harbor, still retains its name. 
» The defeat and death of Tilly, and the entrance of Gustavus Adolphus 
into Munich. 


thence Mr. Peirce carried them in his shallop to Wessaguscus/ 
The next morning Mr. Peirce retmned to his ship, and the 
governor and his company went on foot to Plymouth, and came 
thither within the evening. The governor of Plymouth, Mr. 
William Bradford,^ (a very discreet and grave man,) with Mr. 
Brewster,^ the elder, and some others, came forth and met them 
without the town, and conducted them to the governor's house, 
where they were very kindly entertained, and feasted every 
day at several houses. On the Lord's day there was a sacra- 
ment, which they did partake in; and, in the afternoon, Mr. 
Roger WiUiams (according to their custom) propounded a 
question, to which the pastor, Mr. Smith,* spake briefly; then 
Mr. Williams prophesied ; and after the governor of Plymouth 
spake to the question ; after him the elder ; then some two or 
three more of the congregation. Then the elder desired the 
governor of Massachusetts and Mr. Wilson to speak to it, 
which they did. When this was ended, the deacon, Mr. 

^ Now Weymouth. 

' William Bradford, who died in 1657, after having been governor of Plym- 
outh for thirty years, was born in 1588, at Austerfield, in southern Yorkshire, 
whence while still a youth he went to Holland. Here Bradford toiled as a silk 
worker, connecting himself with the Leyden company, and emigrating with them 
in the Mayflower. After the death of Carver, the first governor, he became the 
head and main-stay of the enterprise until his death; though for a few years, 
Edward Winslow and Thomas Prence reHeved him in the chief place. He was 
widely accomplished, speaking Dutch and French and versed also in Latin, 
Greek, and Hebrew. The testimony as to his moderation and wisdom is uni- 
form; and his History of Plymouth Plantation, recovered amid national rejoic- 
ings, after being long lost, is one of the most precious of American documents. 
It is reprinted in the present series. 

^ William Brewster was sixty years old at the time of the voyage of the 
Mayflower, and possessed a character which made his influence truly patriarchal. 
He had mingled in great affairs, having accompanied the envoy of Elizabeth to 
Holland on an important diplomatic errand, as secretary. Though never for- 
mally ordained, yet as ruling elder he exercised most of the functions of teacher 
and pastor of the congregation. Until his death in 1644 he stood by Bradford, 
a main pillar of the colony, and remains one of the most venerated figures of 
American history. 

* Rev. Ralph Smith, after painful experiences at Salem and Nantasket, 
became minister at Plymouth, where, though not highly esteemed, he remained 
some years. Roger Williams, a veritable bird-of-passage, was for the moment in 


Fuller/ put the congregation in mind of their duty of contribu- 
tion; whereupon the governor and all the rest went down to 
the deacon's seat, and put into the box, and then returned. 

27.] The wind N. W., Mr. Peirce set sail for Virginia. 

31, being Wednesday.] About five in the morning the 
governor and his company came out of Plymouth; the gov- 
ernor of Plymouth, with the pastor and elder, etc., accompany- 
ing them near half a mile out of town in the dark. The Lieut. 
Holmes, with two others, and the governor's mare, came 
along with them to the great swamp, about ten miles. When 
they came to the great river, they were carried over by one 
Luddam, their guide, (as they had been when they came, the 
stream being very strong, and up to the crotch;) so the gov- 
ernor called that passage Luddam's Ford. Thence they came 
to a place called Hue's Cross. The governor, being displeased 
at the name, in respect that such things might hereafter give 
the Papists occasion to say, that their religion was first planted 
in these parts, changed the name, and called it Hue's Folly. 
So they came, that evening, to Wessaguscus, where they were 
bountifully entertained, as before, with store of turkeys, geese, 
ducks, etc., and the next day came safe to Boston. 

About this time Mr. Dudley, his house, at Newtown, was 
preserved from burning down, and all his family from being 
destroyed by gunpowder, by a marvellous deliverance; — the 
hearth of the hall chimney burning all night upon a prin- 
cipal beam and store of powder being near, and not discov- 
ered till they arose in the morning, and then it began to 
flame out. 

Mr. John Eliot, a member of Boston congregation, and one 
whom the congregation intended presently to call to the 
office of teacher, was called to be a teacher to the church at 
Roxbury; and though Boston labored all they could, both 

* Samuel Fuller, associated with Governor John Carver as a deacon of the 
Pilgrim Church at the coming from Holland, a useful and respected man. He 
possessed some medical skill, and was even sent for from Boston and Salem. 


with the congregation of Roxbury and with Mr. EHot himself, 
alleging their want of him, and the covenant between them, 
etc., yet he could not be diverted from accepting the call of 
Roxbury, November 5. So he was dismissed. 

About a fortnight before this, those of Charlestown, who 
had formerly been joined to Boston congregation, now, in 
regard of the difficulty of passage in the winter, and having 
opportunity of a pastor, one Mr. James,* who came over at 
this time, were dismissed from the congregation of Boston. 

The congregation of Watertown discharged their elder, 
Richard Brown, of his office, for his unfitness in regard of 
his passion and distemper in speech, having been oft admon- 
ished and declared his repentance for it. 

21.] The governor received a letter from Capt. Neal, that 
Dixy Bull and fifteen more of the English, who kept about the 
east, were turned pirates, and had taken divers boats, and 
rifled Pemaquid, etc., — 23. Hereupon the governor called a 
council, and it was agreed to send his bark with twenty men, 
to join with those of Pascataquack, for the taking of the said 

22.] A fast was held by the congregation of Boston, and 
Mr. Wilson (formerly their teacher) was chosen pastor, and 
[blank] Oliver^ a ruling elder, and both were ordained by im- 
position of hands, first by the teacher, and the two deacons, (in 
the name of the congregation,) upon the elder, and then by the 
elder and the deacons upon the pastor. 

December 4.] At a meeting of all the assistants, it was 
agreed, in regard that the extremity of the snow and frost had 
hindered the making ready of the bark, and that they had 
certain intelligence, that those of Pascataquack had sent out 
two pinnaces and two shallops, above a fortnight before, to 
defer any further expedition against the pirates till they heard 

' Thomas James, predecessor of John Harvard as minister of Charlestown, 
went soon to New Haven, whence probably he returned to England. 

' Thomas Oliver, ancestor of an honorable line, prominent especially in the 
Revolution, during which his descendants were strongly opposed to independence. 


what was done by those ; and for that end it was agreed, to 
send presently a shallop to Pascataquack to learn more, etc. 

5.] Accordingly, the governor despatched away John 
Gallopp* with his shallop. The wind being very great at S. 
W., he could reach no farther than Cape Ann harbor that 
night; and the winds blowing northerly, he was kept there so 
long, that it was January the 2d before he returned. 

By letters from Capt. Neal and Mr. Hilton,^ etc., it was 
certified, that they had sent out all the forces they could make 
against the pirates, viz., four pinnaces and shallops, and about 
forty men, who, coming to Pemaquid, were there windbound 
about three weeks. 

It was further advertised, by some who came from Penob- 
scott, that the pirates had lost one of their chief men by a 
musket shot from Pemaquid; and that there remained but 
fifteen, whereof four or five were detained against their wills; 
and that they had been at some English plantations, and taken 
nothing from them but what they paid for ; and that they had 
given another pinnace in exchange for that of Mr. Maverick, 
and as much beaver and otter as it was worth more, etc.; 
and that they had made a law against excessive drinking; 
and that their order was, as such times as other ships use to 
have prayer, they would assemble upon the deck, and one sing 
a song, or speak a few senseless sentences, etc. They also 
sent a writing, directed to all the governors, signifying their 
intent not to do harm to any more of their countrymen, but 
to go to the southward, and to advise them not to send against 
them; for they were resolved to sink themselves rather than 
be taken : Signed underneath, Fortune le garde, and no name 
to it. 

* John Gallop, a bold sailor who comes up hereafter in picturesque connec- 
tions. Gallop's Island in Boston harbor perpetuates the name. 

* Edward and William Hilton founded in 1G23 the settlement at Dover, N. H. 


January 1.] Mr. Edward Winslow chosen governor of 
Plymouth, Mr. Bradford having been governor about ten 
years, and now by importunity gat off/ 

9.] Mr. Ohver, a right godly man, and elder of the church 
of Boston, having three or four of his sons, all very young, 
cutting down wood upon the neck, one of them, being about 
fifteen years old, had his brains beaten out with the fall of a 
tree, which he had felled. The good old father (having the 
news of it in as fearful a manner as might be, by another boy, 
his brother) called his wife (being also a very godly woman) 
and went to prayer, and bare it with much patience and 

17.] The governor, having intelligence from the east, that 
the French had bought the Scottish plantation near Cape 
Sable, and that the fort and all the ammunition were delivered 
to them, and that the cardinal,^ having the managing thereof, 
had sent some companies already, and preparation was made 
to send many more the next year, and divers priests and 
Jesuits among them, — called the assistants to Boston, and the 
ministers and captains, and some other chief men, to advise 
what was fit to be done for our safety, in regard the French 
were like to prove ill neighbors (being Papists;) at which 
meeting it was agreed, that a plantation and a fort should forth- 
with be begun at Natascott, partly to be some block in an 

* High office was a burden rather than an honor, fines being sometimes 
exacted of those who refused to serve. 

^ RicheHeu is here referred to, who was guiding the interests of France. 
The French were now at Port Royal. Of the friction among themselves and the 
anxieties with which they filled their English neighbors the Journal has much to 
say. See also Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, new series, XVI. 95, 
for details in the Admiralty Records. 



enemy's way, (though it could not bar his entrance,) and 
especially to prevent an enemy from taking that passage from 
us ; and also, that the fort begun at Boston should be finished 
— also, that a plantation should be begun at Agawam, (being 
the best place in the land for tillage and cattle,) least an enemy, 
finding it void, should possess and take it from us. The gov- 
ernor's son (being one of the assistants) was to undertake 
this, and to take no more out of the bay than twelve men ; the 
rest to be supplied at the coming of the next ships. 

A maid servant of Mr. Skelton of Salem, going towards 
Sagus, was lost seven days, and at length came home to Salem. 
All that time she was in the woods, having no kind of food, 
the snow being very deep, and as cold as at any time that 
winter. She was so frozen into the snow some mornings, as 
she was one hour before she could get up; yet she soon re- 
covered and did well, through the Lord's wonderful providence. 

About the beginning of this month of January the pinnaces, 
which went after the pirates, returned, the cold being so great 
as they could not pursue them; but, in their return, they 
hanged up at Richman's Isle an Indian, one Black Will, one 
of those who had there murdered Walter Bagnall. Three of 
the pirates' company ran from them and came home. 

February 21.] The governor and four of the assistants, 
with three of the ministers, and others, about twenty-six in 
all, went, in three boats, to view Natascott, the wind W., 
fair weather; but the wind arose at N. W. so strong, and 
extreme cold, that they were kept there two nights, being 
forced to lodge upon the ground, in an open cottage, upon a 
little old straw, which they pulled from the thatch. Their 
victuals also grew short, so as they were forced to eat muscles, 
— yet they were very mean, — and came all safe home the third 
day after, through the Lord's special providence. Upon view 
of the place, it was agreed by all, that to build a fort there 
would be of too great charge, and of httle use ; whereupon the 
planting of that place was deferred. 


22, or thereabouts.] The ship William, Mr. Trevore master, 
arrived at Plymouth with some passengers and goods for the 
Massachusetts Bay; but she came to set up a fishing at Scitu- 
ate, and so to go to trade at Hudson's River. 

By this ship we had intelhgence from our friends in Eng- 
land, that Sir Ferdinando Gorges ^ and Capt. Mason (upon the 
instigation of Sir Christopher Gardiner, Morton, and Ratchff) 
had preferred a petition to the lords of the privy council against 
us, charging us with many false accusations ; but, through the 
Lord's good providence, and the care of our friends in England, 
(especially Mr. Emanuel Downing, who had married the gov- 
ernor's sister, and the good testimony given on our behalf by 
one Capt. Wiggin, who dwelt at Pascataquack, and had been 
divers times among us,) their malicious practice took not effect. 
The principal matter they had against us was, the letters of 
some indiscreet persons among us, who had written against the 
church government in England, etc., which had been inter- 
cepted by occasion of the death of Capt. Levett, who carried 
them, and died at sea. 

26.] Two little girls of the governor's family were sitting 
under a great heap of logs, plucking of birds, and the wind 
driving the feathers into the house, the governor's wife caused 
them to remove away. They were no sooner gone, but the 
whole heap of logs fell down in the place, and had crushed 
them to death, if the Lord, in his special providence, had not 
delivered them. 

March.] The governor's son, John Winthrop, went, with 
twelve more, to begin a plantation at Agawam, after called 

One John Edye, a godly man of Watertown congregation, 
fell distracted, and, getting out one evening, could not be found ; 
but, eight days after, he came agaki of himself. He had 
kept his strength and color, yet had eaten nothing (as must 

* Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to do his rivals harm, here employs men driven out 
of Massachusetts. 


needs be conceived) all that tijne. He recovered his under- 
standing again in good measure, and lived veiy orderly, but 
would, now and then, be a little distempered. 

April 10.] Here arrived Mr. Hodges, one of Mr. Peirce his 
mates. He came from Virginia in a shallop, and brought news 
that Mr. Peirce's ship was cast away upon a shoal four miles 
from Feake Isle, ten leagues to the N. of the mouth of Vir- 
ginia Bay,^ November 2d, about five in the morning, the wind 
S. W., through the neghgence of one of his mates, who had 
the watch, and kept not his lead as he was exhorted. They 
had a shallop and their ship's boat aboard. All that went into 
the shallop came safe on shore, but the ship's boat was sunk by 
the ship's side, and [blank] men drowned in her, and ten of them 
were taken up alive into the shallop. There were in the ship 
twenty-eight seamen and ten passengers. Of these were 
drowned seven seamen and five passengers, and all the goods 
were lost, except one hogshead of beaver; and most of the 
letters were saved, and some other small things, which were 
driven on shore the next day, when the ship was broken in 
pieces. They were nine days in much distress, before they 
found any English. Plymouth men lost four hogsheads, 900 
pounds of beaver, and 200 otter skins. The governor of Massa- 
chusetts lost, in beaver and fish, which he sent to Virginia, etc., 
near £100. Many others lost beaver, and Mr. Humfrey, fish. 

May.] The William and Jane, Mr. Burdock master, ar- 
rived with thirty passengers and ten cows or more. She came 
in six weeks from London. 

The Mary and Jane arrived, Mr. Rose master. She came 
from London in seven weeks, and brought one hundi'ed and 
ninety-six passengers, (only two children died). Mr. Codding- 
ton, one of the assistants, and his wife, came in her. In her 
return she was cast away upon Isle Sable, but [blank] men 
were saved. 

By these ships we understood, that Sir Christopher Gar- 

^ Chesapeake Bay. 


diner, and Thomas Morton, and Philip Ratchff, (who had been 
punished here for their misdemeanors,) had petitioned to the 
king and council against us, (being set on by Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges and Capt. Mason, who had begun a plantation at Pascat- 
aquack, and aimed at the general government of New England 
for their agent there, Capt. Neal). The petition was of many 
sheets of paper, and contained many false accusations, (and 
among some truths misrepeated,) accusing us to intend rebel- 
lion, to have cast off our allegiance, and to be wholly separate 
from the church and laws of England ; that our ministers and 
people did continually rail against the state, church, and 
bishops there, etc. Upon which such of our company as 
were then in England, viz., Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Hum- 
frey, and Mr. Cradock, were called before a committee of the 
council, to whom they dehvered in an answer in wTiting ; upon 
reading wherof, it pleased the Lord, our gracious God and 
Protector, so to work with the lords, and after with the king's 
majesty, when the whole matter was reported to him by Sir 
Thomas Jermin, one of the council, (but not of the committee, 
who yet had been present at the three days of hearing, and 
spake much in the commendation of the governor, both to the 
lords and after to his majesty,) that he said, he would have 
them severely punished, who did abuse his governor and 
the plantation; that the defendants were dismissed with a 
favorable order for their encouragement, being assm'ed from 
some of the council, that his majesty did not intend to impose 
the ceremonies of the church of England upon us; for that 
it was considered, that it was the freedom from such things 
that made people come over to us; and it was credibly in- 
formed to the council, that this country would, in time, be 
very beneficial to England for masts, cordage, etc., if the Sound 
should be debarred,* 

We sent forth a pinnace after the pirate Bull, but, after 

* I. e., at times when the importation of naval stores from the Baltic was 
interrupted by the closing of the Sound, then a Danish strait. 


she had been forth two months, she came home, having not 
found him. After, we heard he was gone to the French. 

A Dutch pink arrived, which had been to the southward a 

June 2.] Capt. Stone arrived with a small ship with cows 
and some salt. The governor of Plymouth sent Capt. Standish 
to prosecute against him for piracy. The cause was, being 
at the Dutch plantation,^ where a pinnace of Plymouth coming, 
and Capt. Stone and the Dutch governor having been drinking 
together, Capt. Stone, upon pretence that those of Plymouth 
had reproached them of Virginia, from whence he came, 
seized upon their pinnace, (with the governor's consent,) 
and offered to carry her away, but the Dutchmen rescued 
her; and the next day the governor and Capt. Stone entreated 
the master of the pinnace (being one of the council of Ply- 
mouth) to pass it by, which he promised by a solemn instru- 
ment under his hand; yet, upon their earnest prosecution 
at court, we bound over Capt. Stone (with two sureties) to 
appear in the admiralty court in England, etc. But, after, 
those of Plymouth, being persuaded that it would turn to 
their reproach, and that it could be no piracy, with their 
consent, we withdrew the recognizance. 

15.] Mr. Graves, in the ship Elizabeth Bonadventure, from 
Yarmouth, arrived with ninety-five passengers, and thirty- 
four Dutch sheep, and two mares. They came from Yarmouth 
in six weeks; lost not one person, but above forty sheep. 

19.] A day of thanksgiving was kept in all the congrega- 
tions, for our dehvery from the plots of om- enemies, and for 
the safe arrival of our friends, etc. 

July 2.] At a court it was agreed, that the governor, 
John Winthrop, should have, towards his charges this year, 
£150, and the money, which he had disbm-sed in pubUe busi- 
ness, as officers' wages, etc., being between two and three 
hundred pounds, should be forthwith paid. 

* Manhattan. See Bradford, in this series, pp. 310, 311. 


12.] Mr. Edward Winslow, governor of Plymouth, and 
Mr. Bradford, came into the bay, and went away the 18th. 
They came partly to confer about jommg m a trade to Con- 
necticut, for beaver and hemp. There was a motion to set up 
a trading house there, to prevent the Dutch, who were about 
to build one; but, in regard the place was not fit for planta- 
tion, there being three or four thousand warlike Indians, and 
the river not to be gone into but by small pinnaces, having a 
bar affording but six feet at high water, and for that no vessels 
can get in for seven months in the year, partly by reason of 
the ice, and then the violent stream, etc., we thought not fit 
to meddle with it.^ 

24.] A ship arrived from Weymouth, with about eighty 
passengers, and twelve kine, who sate down at Dorchester. 
They were twelve weeks coming, being forced into the West- 
ern Islands by a leak, where they stayed three weeks, and were 
very courteously used by the Portugals ; but the extremity of 
the heat there, and the continual rain brought sickness upon 
them, so as [blank] died. 

Much sickness at Plymouth, and above twenty died of 
pestilent fevers. 

Mr. Graves returned, and carried a freight of fish from 
hence and Pl\Tnouth. 

By him the governor and assistants sent an answer to the 
petition of Sir Christopher Gardiner, and withal a certificate 
from the old planters concerning the carriage of affairs, etc. 

August 6.] Two men servants to one Moodye, of Roxbury, 
returning in a boat from the windmill, struck upon the oyster 
bank. They went out to gather oysters, and, not making fast 
their boat, when the flood came, it floated away, and they were 
both drowned, although they might have waded out on either 
side; but it was an evident judgment of God upon them, for 
they were wicked persons. One of them, a Uttle before, being 
reproved for his lewdness, and put in mind of hell, answered, 
* But see Bradford, in this series, p. 300. 


that if hell were ten times hotter, he had rather be there than 
he would serve his master, etc. The occasion was, because he 
had bound himself for divers years, and saw that, if he had 
been at liberty, he might have had greater wages, though 
otherwise his master used him very well/ 

Mr. Graves retm^ned. He earned between five and six 
thousand weight of beaver, and about thirty passengers. 
Capt. Walter Neal, of Pascataquack, and some eight of his 
company, went with him. He had been in the bay above ten 
days, and came not all that time to see the governor. Being 
persuaded by divers of his friends, his answer was, that he was 
not well entertained the first time he came hither, and, be- 
sides, he had some letters opened in the bay; ergo, except he 
were invited, he would not go see him. The 13th day he wrote 
to the governor, to excuse his not coming to see him, upon the 
same reasons. The governor returned him answer, that his 
entertainment was such as time and place could afford, (being 
at their first coming, before they were housed, etc.) and re- 
torted the discourtesy upon him, in that he would thrust him- 
self, with such a company, (he had five or six gentlemen with 
him,) upon a stranger's entertainment, at such an unseason- 
able time, and having no need so to do ; and for his letters, he 
protested his innocency, (as he might well, for the letters were 
opened before they came into the bay) ; and so concluded cour- 
teously, yet with plain demonstration of his error. And, in- 
deed, if the governor should have invited him, standing upon 
those terms, he had blemished his reputation. 

There is mention made before of the answer, which was 
returned to Sir Christopher Gardiner his .accusations, to which 
the governor and all the assistants subscribed, only the deputy 
refused. He made three exceptions: 1. For that we termed 
the bishops reverend bishops; which was only in repeating 
the accuser's words. 2. For that we professed to believe all 

* The condition of indentured servants was often scarcely better than that of 
slaves. The man may well have had reason to be unhappy. 


the articles of the Christian faith, according to the scriptures 
and the common received tenets of the churches of England. 
This he refused, because we differed from them in matter of 
discipline, and about the meaning of Christ's descension into 
hell; yet the faithful in England (whom we account the 
churches) expound it as we do, and not of a local descent, as 
some of the bishops do. 3. For that we gave the king the 
title of sacred majesty, which is the most proper title of princes, 
being the Lord's anointed, and the word a mere civil word, 
never apphed in scripture to any divine thing, but sanctus used 
always, (Mr. Knox called the queen of Scotland by the same 
title). Yet by no reasons could he be drawn to yield to these 
things, although they were allowed by divers of the ministers 
and the chief of Plymouth.^ 

There was great scarcity of corn, by reason of the spoil our 
hogs had made at harvest, and the great quantity they had 
even in the winter, (there being no acorns;) yet people Uved 
well with fish and the fruit of their gardens. 

Sept. 4.] The Griffin, a ship of three hundred tons, arrived, 
(having been eight weeks from the Downs). This ship was 
brought in by John Gallop a new way by Lovell's Island, at 
low water, now called Griffin's Gap. She brought about two 
hundred passengers, having lost some four, whereof one was 
drowned two days before, as he was casting forth a line to take 
mackerel. In this ship came Mr. Cotton,^ Mr. Hooker, and 

^ Dudley's ultra-Puritanism appears here. 

^ The arrival of John Cotton in New England almost marks an epoch. 
This man, perhaps the most influential of the non-conformist ministers in Old 
or New England, was born in Derby in 1584. At Cambridge, a brilliant scholar, 
he became fellow and dean of Emmanuel College, and soon after rector of St. 
Botolph's Church in Boston, Lincolnshire, a conspicuous post. Here for many 
years he so wrought that he quite transformed the town, moulded opinion through- 
out the shire, and became widely known through England. His non-conformity 
was marked and brought upon him displacement. In these days his spirit was 
liberal: like John Robinson he seems to have held that more light yet might be 
expected to break out from God's word, which believers must be ready to accept, 
and it may be surmised that had he remained in England he would have adopted 
the free spirit of the Independents. When Winthrop sailed in 1630, John Cotton 


Mr. Stone, ministers, and Mr. Peirce, Mr. Haynes, (a gentleman 
of great estate,) Mr. Hoffe, and many other men of good 
estates. They gat out of England with much difficulty, all 
places being belaid to have taken Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker, 
who had been long sought for to have been brought into the 
high commission ; but the master being bound to touch at the 
Wight, the pursuivants attended there, and, in the mean time, 
the said ministers were taken in at the Downs. Mr. Hooker 

preached, at Southampton, a farewell sermon, as John Robinson did, ten years 
before, for the Pilgrims at Delfshaven. Cotton's decision to follow to America 
was momentous for the colony. (See his reasons for emigrating to New Eng- 
land in the HutcJiinson Papers, ed. 1865, I. 60.) To his death in 1652 he was 
the dominant figure in church and state, the ultimate appeal in matters civil and 
religious, the shaper as much as Winthrop of the New England world, and the 
initiator of policies and institutions that have persisted to the present time. He 
was not always consistent: the straits of his New England environment, where 
tolerance, perhaps, would have brought destruction, forced him into a narrowness 
of spirit not in line with the breadth he earlier had shown; we shall come upon 
painful instances of his turning his back and worse, upon friends in distress. 
But his shortcomings of this sort admit of palliation. 

Modern writers, chief among them Thornton, in The Historical Relation 
of New England to the English Commonwealth (1874), plausibly maintain that 
John Cotton was the source and spring from whom flowed Independency, both 
in Old and New England, therefore asserting for him a claim to a high place 
among the great names of the English Commonwealth. Independency, how- 
ever, did not begin with Cotton, nor do we find in his profession of it some of 
its finer characteristics; nevertheless he had a great part in a most honorable 

Though the prestige of Cotton was shaken by his vacillations and mistakes 
(it would have been more than human perhaps not to have swayed and bent in 
such a troubled sea), he recovered all he lost, and died at the height of influence. 
His death was accompanied by portents in the heavens, and from that day to 
this he has stood as one of the mightiest and worthiest of the earlier pillars. Cot- 
ton wrote much, and the modern reader is puzzled to understand how his writings, 
to our taste often tedious, produced such an effect. He must have possessed 
extraordinary magnetism, and a character in which Puritan strength was some- 
what mitigated by traits of amiability. 

Thomas Hooker now begins his American career, departing soon for Con- 
necticut; and Samuel Stone, equally sturdy in character, if less in the foreground. 
He plays hereafter a picturesque part as chaplain of John Mason in the Pequot 

John Haynes and Atherton Hough, men of repute and means, strengthened 
the plantation. The former soon became governor, but casting in his lot with 
the Connecticut pioneers, appears but for a moment upon the Massachusetts 


and Mr. Stone went presently to Newtown, where they were 
to be entertained, and Mr. Cotton stayed at Boston. On 
Saturday evening, the congregation met in their ordinary 
exercise, and Mr. Cotton, being desired to speak to the question, 
(which was of the church,) he showed, out of the Canticles, 6, 
that some churches were as queens, some as concubines, some 
as damsels, and some as doves, etc. He was then (with his 
wife) propounded to be admitted a member. The Lord's day 
following, he exercised in the afternoon, and being to be ad- 
mitted, he signified his desire and readiness to make his con- 
fession according to order, which he said might be sufficient in 
declaring his faith about baptism, (which he then desired for 
his child, born in their passage, and therefore named Seaborn). 
He gave two reasons why he did not baptize it at sea, (not for 
want of fresh water, for he held, sea water would have served :) 
1, because they had no settled congregation there; 2, because 
a minister hath no power to give the seals but in his own 
congregation. He desired his wife might also be admitted a 
member, and gave a modest testimony of her, but withal re- 
quested, that she might not be put to make open confession, 
etc., which he said was against the apostle's rule, and not fit 
for women's modesty; but that the elders might examine her 
in private. So she was asked, if she did consent in the con- 
fession of faith made by her husband, and if she did desire to 
be admitted, etc. ; whereto she answered affirmatively ; and so 
both were admitted, and their child baptized, the father present- 
ing it, (the child's baptism being, as he did then affirm, in an- 
other case, the father's incentive for the help of his faith, etc.) 

The said 4th of September, came in also the ship called the 
Bird, (Mr. Yates master). She brought [blank] passengers, 
having lost [blank] ; and [blank] cows, having lost [blank] ; and 
four mares. She had been twelve weeks at sea, being, at 
her first coming out, driven northerly to fifty- three. 

About ten days before this time, a bark was set forth to 
Connecticut and those parts, to trade. 


John Oldham, and three with him, went over land to Con- 
necticut, to trade. The sachem used them kindly, and gave 
them some beaver. They brought of the hemp, which grows 
there in great abundance, and is much better than the Eng- 
Hsh. He accounted it to be about one hundred and sixty 
miles. He brought some black lead, whereof the Indians told 
him there was a whole rock. He lodged at Indian towns all 
the way. 

[2.] Capt. John Stone (of whom mention is made before) 
'carried himself very dissolutely in drawing company to drink, 
etc., and being found upon the bed in the night with one Bar- 
croft's wife, he was brought before the governor, etc., and 
though it appeared he was in drink, and no act to be proved, 
yet it was thought fit he should abide his trial, for which end 
warrant was sent out to stay his pinnace, which was ready to 
set sail ; whereupon he went to Mr. Ludlow, one of the assist- 
ants, and used braving and threatening speeches against him, 
for which he raised some company and apprehended him, 
and brought him to the governor, who put him in irons, and 
kept a guard upon him till the court, (but his irons were taken 
off the same day). At the court his indictment was framed 
for adultery, but found ignoramus by the great jury; but, 
for his other misdemeanors, he was fined £100, which yet was 
not levied of him; and ordered upon pain of death to come 
here no more, without license of the court; and the woman 
was bound to her good behavior. 

17.] The governor and council met at Boston, and called 
the ministers and elders of all the churches, to consider about 
Mr. Cotton his sitting down. He was desired to divers places, 
and those who came with him desired he might sit down where 
they might keep store of cattle; but it was agreed, by full 
consent, that the fittest place for him was Boston, and in that 
respect those of Boston might take farms in any part of the 
bay not belonging to other towns ; and that (keeping a lecture) 
he should have some maintenance out of the treasury. But 


divers of the council, upon their second thoughts, did after 
refuse this contribution. 

October 2.] The bark Blessing, which was sent to the 
southward, returned. She had been at an island over against 
Connecticut, called Long Island, because it is near fifty leagues 
long, the east part about ten leagues from the main, but the 
west end not a mile. There they had store of the best wam- 
pampeak, both white and blue. The Indians there are a very 
treacherous people. They have many canoes so great as 
one will carry eighty men. They were also in the River of 
Connecticut, which is barred at the entrance, so as they could 
not find above one fathom of water. They were also at the 
Dutch plantation upon Hudson's River, (called New Nether- 
lands,) where they were very kindly entertained, and had some 
beaver and other things, for such commodities as they put off. 
They showed the governor (called Gwalter Van Twilly)* their 
commission, which was to signify to them, that the king of 
England had granted the river and country of Connecticut 
to his own subjects; and therefore desired them to forbear 
to build there, etc. The Dutch governor wrote back to our 
governor, (his letter was very courteous and respectful, as 
it had been to a very honorable person,) whereby he signified, 
that the Lords the States had also granted the same parts to 
the West India Company, and therefore requested that we 
would forbear the same till the matter were decided between 
the king of England and the said lords. 

The said bark did pass and repass over the shoals of Cape 
Cod, about three or four leagues from Nantucket Isle, where 
the breaches are very terrible, yet they had three fathom 
water all over. 

The company of Plymouth sent a bark to Connecticut, at 
this time, to erect a trading house there. When they came, 
they found the Dutch had built there, and did forbid the 
Plymouth men to proceed; but they set up their house not- 

' Wouter van Twiller. 


withstanding, about a mile above the Dutch. This river runs 
so far northward, that it comes within a day's journey of a 
part of Merrimack called [blank] and so runs thence N. W. so 
near the Great Lake, as [allows] the Indians to pass their 
canoes into it over land. From this lake, and the hideous 
swamps about it, come most of the beaver which is traded 
between Virginia and Canada, which runs forth of this lake; and 
Patomack River in Virginia comes hkewise out of it, or very 
near, so as from this lake there comes yearly to the Dutch about 
ten thousand skins, which might easily be diverted by Mer- 
rimack, if a course of trade were settled above in that river.* 
10.] A fast was kept at Boston, and Mr. Leverett,^ an 
ancient, sincere professor, of Mr. Cotton's congregation in 
England, was chosen a ruling elder, and Mr. Firmin, a godly 
man, an apothecary of Sudbury in England, was chosen dea- 
con, by imposition of hands ; and Mr. Cotton was then chosen 
teacher of the congregation of Boston, and ordained by impo- 
sition of the hands of the presb5^ery, in this manner: First, 
he was chosen by all the congregation testifying their consent 
by erection of hands. Then Mr. Wilson, the pastor, demanded 
of him, if he did accept of that call. He paused, and then spake 
to this effect: that howsoever he knew himself unworthy and 
unsufficient for that place; yet, having observed all the pas- 
sages of God's providence, (which he reckoned up in particular) 
in calling him to it, he could not but accept it. Then the pas- 
tor and the two elders laid their hands upon his head, and the 
pastor prayed, and then, taking off their hands, laid them on 
again, and, speaking to him by his name, they did thenceforth 
design him to the said office, in the name of the Holy Ghost, 
and did give him the charge of the congregation, and did 
thereby (as by a sign from God) indue him with the gifts fit 
for his office ; and lastly did bless him. Then the neighboring 

* Winthrop's geography, based on Indian reports imperfectly understood, 
is naturally confused. 

* Thomas Leverett, father of John Leverett, eminent in the next generation. 


ministers, which were present, did (at the pastor's motion) 
give him the right hands of fellowship, and the pastor made a 
stipulation between him and the congregation. When Mr. 
Cotton accepted of the office, he commended to the congrega- 
tion such as were to come over, who were of his charge in 
England, that they might be comfortably provided for. 

The same day, Mr. Grant, in the ship James, arrived at Sa- 
lem, having been but eight weeks between Gravesend and 
Salem. He brought Capt. Wiggin and about thirty, with one 
Mr. Leveridge, a godly minister^ to Pascataquack, (which 
the Lord Say and the Lord Brook had purchased of the Bristol 
men,) and about thirty for Virginia, and about twenty for 
this place, and some sixty cattle. He brought news, that the 
Richard, a bark of fifty tons, which came forth with the Griffin, 
being come above three hundred leagues, sprang such a leak, 
as she was forced to bear up, and was put in at Weymouth. 

IL] A fast at Newtown, where Mr. Hooker was chosen 
pastor, and Mr. Stone teacher, in such a manner as before at 

The wolves continued to do much hurt among our cattle; 
and this month, by Mr. Grant, there came over four Irish grey- 
hounds, which were sent to the governor by Mr. Downing, his 

November.] A great mortality among the Indians. Chick- 
atabot, the sagamore of Naponsett, died, and many of his 
people. The disease was the small pox. Some of them were 
cured by such means as they had from us; many of their 
children escaped, and were kept by the EngUsh. 

Capt. Wiggin of Pascataquack wrote to the governor, that 
one of his people had stabbed another, and desired he might be 
tried in the bay, if the party died. The governor answered, 
that if Pascataquack lay within their hmits, (as it was sup- 
posed,) they would try him. 

A small ship of about sixty tons was built at Medford, and 
called the Rebecca. 


This year a watermill was built at Roxbury, by Mr. Dum- 

The scarcity of workmen had caused them to raise their 
wages to an excessive rate, so as a carpenter would have three 
shillings the day, a laborer two shillings and sixpence, etc.; 
and accordingly those who had commodities to sell advanced 
their prices sometime double to that they cost in England, 
so as it grew to a general complaint, which the court, taking 
knowledge of, as also of some further evils, which were spring- 
ing out of the excessive rates of wages, they made an order, 
that carpenters, masons, etc., should take but two shillings 
the day, and laborers but eighteen pence, and that no com- 
modity should be sold at above four pence in the shilling more 
than it cost for ready money in England; oil, wine, etc., and 
cheese, in regard of the hazard of bringing, etc., [excepted]. 
The evils which were springing, etc., were: 1. Many spent 
much time idly, etc., because they could get as much in four 
days as would keep them a week. 2. They spent much in 
tobacco and strong waters, etc., which was a great waste to 
the commonwealth, which, by reason of so many foreign 
commodities expended, could not have subsisted to this time, 
but that it was supplied by the cattle and corn, which were sold 
to new comers at very dear rates, viz., corn at six shillings the 
bushel, a cow at £20, — yea, some at £24, some £26, — a mare 
at £35, an ewe goat at 3 or £4; and yet many cattle were every 
year brought out of England, and some from Virginia. Soon 
after order was taken for prices of commodities, viz., not to 
exceed the rate of four pence in the shilling above the price in 
England, except cheese and hquors, etc. 

The ministers in the bay and Sagus did meet, once a fort- 
night, at one of their houses by course, where some question 
of moment was debated. Mr. Skelton, the pastor of Salem, 
and Mr. Williams,* who was removed from Plymouth thither, 
(but not in any office, though he exercised by way of prophecy,) 

' Roger Williams here enters upon his career of criticism and dissent. 


took some exception against it, as fearing it might grow in time 
to a presbytery or superintendency, to the prejudice of the 
chm-ches' hberties. But this fear was without cause ; for they 
were all clear in that point, that no church or person can have 
power over another church ; neither did they in their meetings 
exercise any such jurisdiction, etc. 

News of the taking of Machias by the French. Mr. Aller- 
ton of Plymouth, and some others, had set up a trading wig- 
wam there, and left in it five men and store of commodities. 
La Tour, governor of the French in those parts, making claim 
to the place, came to displant them, and, finding resistance, 
killed two of the men, and carried away the other three, and 
the goods. 

Some differences fell out still, now and then, between the 
governor and the deputy, which yet were soon healed. It had 
been ordered in court, that all hands should help to the fin- 
ishing of the fort at Boston, and all the towns in the bay 
had gone once over, and most the second time; but those of 
Newtown being warned, the deputy would not suffer them 
to come, neither did acquaint the governor with the cause, 
which was, for that Salem and Sagus had not brought in money 
for their parts. The governor, hearing of it, wrote friendly 
to him, showing him that the intent of the court was, that the 
work should be done by those in the bay, and that, after, the 
others should pay a proportionable sum for the house, etc., 
which must be done by money; and therefore desired him 
that he would send in his neighbors. Upon this, Mr. Haynes 
and Mr. Hooker came to the governor to treat with him about 
it, and brought a letter from the deputy full of bitterness and 
resolution not to send till Salem, etc. The governor told them 
it should rest till the court, and withal gave the letter to Mr. 
Hooker with this speech: I am not willing to keep such an 
occasion of provocation by me. And soon after he wrote to 
the deputy (who had before desired to buy a fat hog or two of 
him, being somewhat short of provisions) to desire him to 


send for one, (which he would have sent him, if he had known 
when his occasion had been to have made use of it,) and to 
accept it as a testimony of his good will; and, lest he should 
make any scruple of it, he made Mr. Haynes and Mr. Hooker 
(who both sojourned in his house) partakers with him. Upon 
this the deputy returned this answer: ''Your overcoming 
yourself hath overcome me. Mr. Haynes, Mr. Hooker, and 
myself, do most kindly accept your good will; but we desire, 
without offence, to refuse your offer, and that I may only 
trade with you for two hogs;" and so very lovingly concluded. 
— ^The court being two days after, ordered, that Newtown 
should do their work as others had done, and then Salem, etc., 
should pay for three days at eighteen pence a man. 

11.] The congregation of Boston met to take order for 
Mr. Cotton's passage and house, and his and Mr. Wilson's 
maintenance. Mr. Cotton had disbm'sed eighty pounds for his 
passage, and towards his house, which he would not have 
again ; so there was about £60 raised (by voluntary contribu- 
tion) towards the finishing of his house, and about £100 tow- 
ards their maintenance. At this meeting there arose some 
difference between the governor and Mr. Cottington, who 
charged the governor, that he took away the liberty of the 
rest, because (at the request of the rest) he had named some 
men to set out men's lands, etc., which grew to some heat of 
words; but the next Lord's day they both acknowledged 
openly their failing, and declared that they had been recon- 
ciled the next day. 

26.] Mr. Wilson (by leave of the congregation of Boston, 
whereof he was pastor) went to Agawam to teach the people 
of that plantation, because they had yet no minister. Whiles 
he was there, December 4, there fell such a snow (knee deep) 
as he could not come back for [blank] days, and a boat, which 
went thither, was frozen up in the river. 

December 5.] John Sagamore died of the small pox, and 
almost all his people; (above thirty buried by Mr. Maverick 


of Winesemett in one day). The towns in the bay took away 
many of the children ; but most of them died soon after. 

James Sagamore of Sagus died also, and most of his folks. 
John Sagamore desired to be brought among the English, (so 
he was;) and promised (if he recovered) to Uve with the Eng- 
lish and serve their God. He left one son, which he disposed 
to Mr. Wilson, the pastor of Boston, to be brought up by him. 
He gave to the governor a good quantity of wampompeague, 
and to divers others of the English he gave gifts, and took 
order for the payment of his own debts and his men's. He 
died in a persuasion that he should go to the Englishmen's 
God. Divers of them, in their sickness, confessed that the 
Englishmen's God was a good God; and that, if they recov- 
ered, they would serve him. 

It wrought much with them, that when their own people 
forsook them, yet the English came daily and ministered to 
them; and yet few, only two families, took any infection by it. 
Among others, Mr. Maverick* of Winesemett is worthy of a 
perpetual remembrance. Himself, his wife, and servants, 
went daily to them, ministered to their necessities, and buried 
their dead, and took home many of their children. So did 
other of the neighbors. 

This infectious disease spread to Pascataquack, where all 
the Indians (except one or two) died. 

One Cowper of Pascataquack, going to an island, upon the 
Lord's day, to fetch some sack to be drank at the great house, 
he and a boy, coming back in a canoe, (being both drunk,) 
were driven to sea and never heard of after. 

At the same plantation, a company having made a fire at a 
tree, one of them said. Here this tree will fall, and here will I 
lie ; and accordingly it fell upon him and killed him. 

' This estimable man was on account of his Episcopal leanings looked upon 
askance in the community, where, though recognized as a man of substance and 
worth, he was given no public place. An evidence of the Puritan bitterness 
exists in the fact that Winthrop, or some successor, has in the manuscript drawn 
a pen through the word "perpetual" in the tribute to his humanity. 


It pleased the Lord to give special testimony of his presence 
in the church of Boston, after Mr. Cotton was called to office 
there. More were converted and added to that church, than 
to all the other churches in the bay, (or rather the lake, for so it 
were more properly termed, the bay being that part of sea 
without between the two capes. Cape Cod and Cape Ann). 
Divers profane and notorious evil persons came and confessed 
their sins, and were comfortably received into the bosom of the 
church. Yea, the Lord gave witness to the exercise of proph- 
ecy, so as thereby some were converted, and others much edi- 
fied. Also, the Lord pleased greatly to bless the practice of 
discipline, wherin he gave the pastor, Mr. Wilson, a singular 
gift, to the great benefit of the church. 

After much dehberation and serious advice, the Lord 
directed the teacher, Mr. Cotton, to make it clear by the script- 
ure, that the minister's maintenance, as well as all other 
charges of the church, should be defrayed out of a stock, or 
treasury, which was to be raised out of the weekly contribu- 
tion; which accordingly was agreed upon. 

27.] The governor and assistants met at Boston, and took 
into consideration a treatise, which Mr. Williams (then of 
Salem) had sent to them, and which he had formerly written 
to the governor and council of Plymouth, wherein, among 
other things, he disputes their right to the lands they pos- 
sessed here, and concluded that, claiming by the king's grant, 
they could have no title, nor otherwise, except they com- 
poimded with the natives.^ For this, taking advice with some 
of the most judicious ministers, (who much condemned Mr. 
Williams's error and presumption,) they gave order, that he 
should be convented at the next court, to be censured, etc. 
There were three passages chiefly whereat they were much 
offended: 1, for that he chargeth King James to have told 
a solemn public lie, because in his patent he blessed God that 
he was the first Christian prince that had discovered this land; 

* A just and generous assertion of Indian rights. 


2, for that he chargeth him and others with blasphemy for 
calhng Europe Christendom, or the Christian world; 3, for 
that he did personally apply to our present king, Charles, 
these three places in the Revelations, viz., [blank]. 

Mr. Endecott being absent, the governor wrote to him to 
let him know what was done, and withal added divers argu- 
ments to confute the said errors, wishing him to deal with Mr. 
Williams to retract the same, etc. Whereto he returned a 
very modest and discreet answer. Mr. Williams also wrote 
to the governor, and also to him and the rest of the council, 
very submissively, professing his intent to have been only to 
have written for the private satisfaction of the governor, etc., of 
Plymouth, without any purpose to have stirred any further 
in it, if the governor here had not required a copy of him; 
withal offering his book, or any part of it, to be bm-nt. 

At the next court he appeared penitently, and gave satis- 
faction of his intention and loyalty. So it was left, and nothing 
done in it.^ 

* Neither the character of Roger WilHams nor the circumstances of the case, 
as far as we know them, allow us to believe that he abandoned his position. 


January 21 .] News came from Plymouth, that Capt. Stone, 
who this last summer went out of the bay or lake, and so to 
Aquamenticus, where he took in Capt. Norton, putting in at 
the mouth of Connecticut, in his way to Virginia, where the 
Pequins inhabit, was there cut off by them, with all his com- 
pany, being eight. The manner was thus: Three of his 
men, being gone ashore to kill fowl, were cut off. Then the 
sachem, with some of his men, came aboard, and staid with 
Capt. Stone in his cabin, till Capt. Stone (being alone with 
him) fell on sleep. Then he knocked him on the head, and all 
the rest of the English being in the cook's room, the Indians 
took such pieces as they found there ready charged, and bent 
them at the English; whereupon one took a piece, and by 
accident gave fire to the powder, which blew up the deck; 
but most of the Indians, perceiving what they went about, 
shifted overboard, and after they retm-ned, and killed such as 
remained, and burned the pinnace. We agreed to write to 
the governor of Virginia, (because Stone was one of that 
colony,) to move him to revenge it, and upon his answer to 
take further counsel. 

20.] Hall and the two others, who went to Connecticut 
November 3, came now home, having lost themselves and 
endured much misery. They informed us, that the small pox 
was gone as far as any Indian plantation was known to the 
west, and much people dead of it, by reason whereof they 
could have no trade. 

At Naragansett, by the Indians' report, there died 
seven hundred; but, beyond Pascataquack, none to the 

24.] The governor and council met again at Boston, to 



consider of Mr. Williams's letter, etc., when, with the advice 
of Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wilson, and weighing his letter, and 
further considering of the aforesaid offensive passages in his 
book, (which, being written in very obscure and impHcative 
phrases, might well admit of doubtful interpretation,) they 
found the matters not to be so evil as at first they seemed. 
Whereupon they agreed, that, upon his retractation, etc., or 
taking an oath of allegiance to the king, etc., it should be 
passed over. 

An Englishman of Sacoe, travelUng into the country to 
trade, was killed by the Indians. 

30.] John Scales, who ran from his master to the Indians, 
came home again. He was at a place twelve miles off, where 
were seven Indians, whereof four died of the pox while he was 

February 1 .] Mr. Cradock's house at Marblehead was burnt 
down about midnight before, there being then in it Mr. Aller- 
ton, and many fishermen, whom he employed that season, who 
all were preserved by a special providence of God, with most 
of his goods therein, by a tailor, who sate up that night at 
work in the house, and, hearing a noise, looked out and saw the 
house on fire above the oven in the thatch. 

This winter was very mild, little wind, and most S. and S. 
W. but oft snows, and great. One snow, the 15th of this 
month, was near two feet deep all over. 

Such of the Indians' children as were left were taken by the 
English, most whereof did die of the pox soon after, three only 
remaining, whereof one, which the governor kept, was called 
Know-God, (the Indians' usual answer being, when they were 
put in mind of God, Me no know God). 

22.] The grampus^ came up towards Charlestown against 
the tide of ebb. 

This season Mr. Allerton fished with eight boats at Mar- 
ble Harbor. 

' It is doubtful whether "grampus" means a ship, or the fish of that name. 


By this time seventeen fishing ships were come to Rich- 
man's Isle and the Isles of Shoals. 

March 4.] By order of com-t a mercate^ was erected at 
Boston, to be kept upon Thm-sday, the fifth day of the week, 
being the lecture day. Samuel Cole set up the first house for 
common entertainment, and John Cogan, merchant, the first 

Upon offer of some new comers to give liberally towards the 
building of a galley for defence of the bay, and upon consulta- 
tion with divers experienced seamen and others, it was thought 
fitter for oui' condition to build a vessel forty feet in length, 
and twenty-one in breadth, to be minion^ proof, and the up- 
per deck musket proof, to have one sail, and to carry whole 
culverin and other small pieces, eight in all. This was found 
to be so chargeable, and so long time ere it could be finished, 
that it was given over. 

At this court all swamps, above one hundred acres, were 
made common, etc. Also Robert Cole, having been oft pun- 
ished for drunkenness, was now ordered to wear a red D about 
his neck for a year. 

7.] At the lecture at Boston a question was propounded 
about veils. Mr. Cotton concluded, that where (by the cus- 
tom of the place) they were not a sign of the women's sub- 
jection, they were not commanded by the apostle. Mr. En- 
decott opposed, and did maintain it by the general arguments 
brought by the apostle. After some debate, the governor, 
perceiving it to grow to some earnestness, interposed, and so it 
brake off. 

Among other testimonies of the Lord's gracious presence 
with his own ordinances, there was a youth of fourteen years 
of age (being the son of one of the magistrates) so wrought 
upon by the ministry of the word, as, for divers months, he 
was held under such affliction of mind, as he could not be 
brought to apprehend any comfort in God, being much hum- 

' Market. ' A small piece of ordnance. 


bled and broken for his sins, (though he had been a dutiful 
child, and not given up to the lusts of youth,) and especially 
for his blasphemous and wicked thoughts, whereby Satan 
buffeted him, so as he went mourning and languishing daily; 
yet, attending to the means, and not giving over prayer, and 
seeking counsel, etc., he came at length to be freed from his 
temptations, and to find comfort in God's promises, and so, 
being received into the congregation, upon good proof of his 
understanding in the things of God, he went on cheerfully in a 
Christian course, falhng daily to labor, as a servant, and as a 
younger brother of his did, who was no whit short of him in the 
knowledge of God's will, though his youth kept him from dar- 
ing to offer himself to the congregation/ — Upon this occasion 
it is not impertinent (though no credit nor regard be to 
be had of dreams in these days) to report a dream, which 
the father of these children had at the same time, viz., 
that, coming into his chamber, he found his wife (she was 
a very gracious woman) in bed, and three or four of their 
children lying by her, with most sweet and smiling counte- 
nances, with crowns upon their heads, and blue ribbons about 
their leaves. When he awaked, he told his wife his dream, 
and made this interpretation of it, that God would take 
of her children to make them fellow heirs with Christ in his 

Satan bestirred himself to hinder the progress of the gospel, 
as, among other practices, appeared by this : He stirred up a 
spirit of jealousy between Mr. James, the pastor of Charlton, 
and many of his people, so as Mr. Nowell, and some others, 
who had been dismissed from Boston, began to question their 
fact of breaking from Boston, and it grew to such a principle 
of conscience among them, as the advice of the other ministers 
was taken in it, who, after two meetings, could not agree about 
their continuance or return. 

One Mr. Morris, ensign to Capt. Underhill, taking some dis- 

* Conjectured by Savage to have been the governor's son Deane. 


taste in his office, requested the magistrates, that he might 
be discharged of it, and so was, whereby he gave offence to 
the congregation of Boston, so as, being questioned and con- 
vinced of sin in forsaking his calling, he did acknowledge his 
fault, and, at the request of the people, was by the magistrates 
chosen heutenant to the same company, for he was a very stout 
man and an experienced soldier. 

April 1.] Order was taken for ministering an oath to all 
house keepers and sojourners, being twenty years of age and 
not freemen, and for making a survey of the houses and lands 
of all freemen. 

Notice being sent out of the general court to be held the 
14th day of the third month, called May, the freemen deputed 
two of each town to meet and consider of such matters as they 
were to take order in at the same general court ; who, having 
met, desired a sight of the patent, and, conceiving thereby that 
all their laws should be made at the general court, repaired to 
the governor to advise with him about it, and about the abro- 
gating of some orders formerly made, as for killing of swine 
in corn, etc. He told them, that, when the patent was granted, 
the number of freemen was supposed to be (as in like corpora- 
tions) so few, as they might well join in making laws; but now 
they were grown to so great a body, as it was not possible for 
them to make or execute laws, but they must choose others for 
that purpose: and that howsoever it would be necessary 
hereafter to have a select company to intend that work, yet 
for the present they were not furnished with a sufficient number 
of men qualified for such a business, neither could the com- 
monwealth bear the loss of time of so many as must intend it. 
Yet this they might do at present, viz., they might, at the gen- 
eral court, make an order, that, once in the year, a certain num- 
ber should be appointed (upon summons from the governor) 
to revise all laws, etc., and to reform what they found amiss 
therein; but not to make any new laws, but prefer their 
grievances to the court of assistants; and that no assessment 


should be laid upon the country without the consent of such 
a committee, nor any lands disposed of.^ 

3.] The governor went on foot to Agawam, and because 
the people there wanted a minister, spent the Sabbath with 
them, and exercised by way of prophecy, and returned home 
the 10th. 

20.] John Coggeshall,^ gentleman, being dismissed from the 
church of Roxbury to Boston, though he were well known and 
approved of the church, yet was not received but by confession 
of his faith, etc. 

May 3.] News came of the death of Hockin and the 
Plymouth man at Kenebeck,^ (and of the arrival of the ship at 
Pemaquid, which brought thirty passengers for this place). 

The occasion of the death of those men at Kenebeck was 
this: The Plymouth men had a grant, from the grand patentees 
of New England, of Kenebeck, with hberty of sole trade, etc. 

^ On this beginning of representative government in Massachusetts, it is 
pertinent to quote Savage. "No country on earth can afford the perfect history 
of any event more interesting to its own inhabitants than that which is here 
related. Winthrop seems to have spoken hke an absolute sovereign, designing 
to grant a favor to his subjects, by admitting them to a representation at court. 
Such was the origin of most of the assemblies, in other nations, of delegates of 
the people, by whom some influence of the majority is imparted to the government. 
. . . The very humble powers, he proposed that the representative should 
receive from his constituent, it is hardly necessary to add, were immediately 
transcended; and the assembly, as it ought, was ever afterwards by itself thought 
competent to the enaction of any regulation for the public welfare." He quotes 
from the Records, I. 115, the following action of the representatives: "It was 
further ordered, that it shall be lawful for the freemen of every plantation to 
choose two or three of each town, before every general court, to confer of and 
prepare such public business as by them shall be thought fit to consider of at 
the next general court; and that such persons as shall be hereafter so deputed 
by the freemen of [the] several plantations, to deal in their behalf in the public 
affairs of the commonwealth, shall have the full power and voice of all the said 
freemen derived to them for the making and establishing of laws, granting of 
lands, etc., and to deal in all other affairs of the commonwealth, wherein the free- 
men have to do, the matter of election of magistrates and other officers only 
excepted, wherein every freeman is to give his own voice." 

^ John Coggeshall, a man much trusted and esteemed, forfeited later the 
good-will of Massachusetts by his heterodoxy, and proceeding to Rhode Island, 
took a leading part in its affairs. 

* See the account of the episode in Bradford, pp. 304^306. 


The said Hockin came in a pinnace, belonging to the Lord Say 
and Lord Brook at Pascataquack, to trade at Kenebeck. Two 
of the magistrates of Plymouth, being there, forbad him; yet 
he went up the river; and, because he would not come down 
again, they sent three men in a canoe to cut his cables. Hav- 
ing cut one, Hockin presented a piece, and sware he would 
kill him that went to cut the other. They bad him do if 
he durst, and went on to cut it. Thereupon he killed one of 
them, and instantly one in the Plymouth pinnace (which rode 
by them, and wherein five or six men stood with their pieces 
ready charged) shot and killed Hockin. 

15.] At the general court at Boston, upon the complaint of 
a kinsman of the said Hockin, John Alden, one of the said 
magistrates of Plymouth, who was present when Hockin was 
slain, being then at Boston, was called and bound with sureties 
not to depart out of our jurisdiction without leave had; and 
withal we wrote to Plymouth to certify them what we had 
done, and to know whether they would do justice in the cause, 
(as belonging to their jurisdiction,) and to have a speedy 
answer, etc. This we did, that notice might be taken, that we 
did disavow the said action, which was much condemned of 
all men, and which was feared would give occasion to the king 
to send a general governor over; and besides had brought us 
all and the gospel under a common reproach of cutting one 
another's throats for beaver. 

By this time the fort at Boston was in defence, and divers 
pieces of ordnance moimted in it. 

Those of Newtown complained of straitness for want of 
land, especially meadow, and desired leave of the court to 
look out either for enlargement or removal, which was granted ; 
whereupon they sent men to see Agawam and Merimack, and 
gave out they would remove, etc. 

14.] At the general court, Mr. Cotton preached, and de- 
livered this doctrine, that a magistrate ought not to be turned 
into the condition of a private man without just cause, and to 


be publicly convict, no more than the magistrates may not 
turn a private man out of his freehold, etc., without hke public 
trial, etc. This falhng in question in the court, and the opinion 
of the rest of the ministers being asked, it was referred to 
further consideration. 

The court chose a new governor, viz., Thomas Dudley, Esq., 
the former deputy; and Mr. Ludlow was chosen deputy; and 
John Haines, Esq., an assistant, and all the rest of the assist- 
ants chosen again. 

At this court it was ordered, that four general courts should 
be kept every year, and that the whole body of the freemen 
should be present only at the court of election of magistrates, 
etc., and that, at the other three, every town should send their 
deputies, who should assist in making laws, disposing lands, 
etc.^ Many good orders were made this court. It held three 
days, and all things w^ere carried very peaceably, notwithstand- 
ing that some of the assistants were questioned by the freemen 
for some errors in their government, and some fines imposed, 
but remitted again before the court brake up. The court was 
kept in the meeting-house at Boston, and the new governor 
and the assistants were together entertained at the house of the 
old governor, as before. 

The week the court was, there came in six ships, with store 
of passengers and cattle. 

Mr. Parker, a minister, and a company with him, being 

1 The changes here mentioned were for the little colony quite revolutionary. 
The election of Dudley to the chief place, and the coming into power of the popular 
deputies, were acquiesced in by Winthrop, whose ideas were not democratic, 
with much moderation of spirit. He writes at a later time: "The best part of a 
community is always the least, and of that best part the wiser is always the lesser." 
(Savage's Winthrop, II. 428.) Cotton, too, condemned democracy. In 1636 he 
wrote Lord Say: "Democracy, I do not conceive that ever God did ordain as a 
fit government either for church or commonwealth. If the people be governor 
who shall be governed ? As for monarchy and aristocracy, they are both of them 
clearly approved and directed in scripture, yet so as referreth the sovereignty to 
himself and setteth up theocracy in both, as the best form of government in the 
commonwealth as in the church." Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, I. 
497, Appendix m. 


about one hundred, went to sit down at Agawam, and divers 
others of the new comers. 

One [blank,] a godly minister, upon conscience of his oath 
and care of the commonwealth, discovered to the magistrates 
some seditious speeches of his own son, delivered in private to 
himself; but the court thought not fit to call the party in 
question then, being loath to have the father come in as a 
pubhc accuser of his own son, but rather desired to find other 
matter, or other witness against him. 

24.] Mr. Fleming, master of a ship of Barnstable, went 
hence to the eastward to cut masts there, and so to return to 
England. There returned with him Ensign Motham and 

These ships, by reason of their short passage, had store of 
provisions left, which they put off at easy rates, viz. biscuit at 
20s. the hundred; beef at £6 the hogshead, etc. 

Newtown men, being straitened for ground, sent some to 
Merimack to find a fit place to transplant themselves 

June 1.] The Thunder, which went to Bermuda the 17th 
October, now returned, bringing corn and goats from Virginia, 
(for the weavils had taken the corn at Bermuda before they 
came there). Ensign Jenyson went in her for pilot, and re- 
lated, at his return, that there was a very great change in 
Bermuda since he dwelt there, divers lewd persons being be- 
come good Christians. They have three ministers, (one a 
Scotchman,) who take great pains among them, and had lately 
(by prayer and fasting) dispossessed one possessed with a 
devil. They obtained his recovery while the congregation 
were assembled. 

He brought news, also, of a great ship arrived in Patomack 
River in Virginia, with a governor and colony sent by the Lord 
Bartimore, who was expected there shortly himself, and that 
they resisted those of Virginia, who came to trade in that river. 

It appeared after, that the king had written to Sir John 
Harvey, knight, governor of Virginia, to give all assistance 


to that new plantation, which was called Maryland by the 
queen of England; and those who came over were, many of 
them, Papists, and did set up mass openly. 

July.] The Hercules of Dover returned by St. George's to 
cut masts to carry to England. 

The last month arrived here fourteen great ships, and one 
at Salem. 

Mr.Humfrey^ and the lady Susan, his wife, one of the Earl 
of Lincoln's sisters, arrived here. He brought more ordnance, 
muskets, and powder, bought for the pubHc by moneys given 
to that end; for godly people in England began now to ap- 
prehend a special hand of God in raising this plantation, and 
their hearts were generally stirred to come over. Among 
others, we received letters from a godly preacher, Mr. Levinston 
a Scotchman in the north of Ireland, whereby he signified, 
that there were many good Christians in those parts resolved 
to come hither, if they might receive satisfaction concerning 
some questions and propositions which they sent over. Like- 
wise, Mr. Humfrey brought certain propositions from some 
persons of great quality and estate, (and of special note for 
piety,) whereby they discovered their intentions to join with 
us, if they might receive satisfaction therein. It appeared 
further, by many private letters, that the departure of so many 
of the best, both ministers and Christians, had bred sad thoughts 
in those behind of the Lord's intentions in this work, and an 
apprehension of some evil days to come upon England. Then 
it began now to be apprehended by the archbishops, and 
others of the council, as a matter of state, so as they sent 
out warrant to stay the ships, and to call in our patent ; but, 
upon petition of the shipmasters, (attending how beneficial 

^ John Humfrey or Humphrey, who was interested in New England from the 
beginning, and had been long expected, now arrived with his wife, sister of the 
Lady Arbella Johnson. Much was expected from his wealth and influence, and 
he was immediately made assistant. Lacking resolution and experiencing ill- 
luck, he played no great part. Settling in Lynn, he lost his home by fire and 
at length, disheartened, abandoned the country. 


this plantation was to England) in regard of the Newfoundland 
fishing, which they took in their way homeward, the ships 
were at that time released. But Mr. Cradock (who had been 
governor in England before the government was sent over) 
had strict charge to deliver in the patent ; whereupon he wrote 
to us to send it home. Upon receipt of his letter, the governor 
and council consulted about it, and resolved to answer Mr. 
Cradock's letter, but not to return any answer or excuse to 
the council at that time. 

For the success of the passengers and cattle in the ships: 
Divers of the ships lost many cattle ; but the two which came 
from Ipswich, of more than one hundred and twenty, lost but 
seven. None of the ships lost any passengers, but the Eliza- 
beth Dorcas, which, having a long passage, and being hurt 
upon a rock at Scilly, and very ill victualled, she lost sixty 
passengers at sea, and divers came sick on shore, who all re- 
covered, (through the mercy of God,) except [blank]. 

Mr. Humfrey brought sixteen heifers given by a private 
friend, viz. Mr. Richard Andrews,^ to the plantation, viz. to 
every of the ministers one, and the rest to the poor, and one 
half of the increase of the ministers' to be reserved for other 
ministers. Mr. Wilson, so soon as he had his, gave it to Mr. 
Cotton. By Mr. Humfrey's means much money was procured, 
and divers promised yearly pensions. 

Six of Newtown went in the Blessing, (being bound to the 
Dutch plantation,) to discover Connecticut River, intending to 
remove their town thither. 

9.] Mr. Bradford and Mr. Winslow, two of the magistrates 
of Plymouth, with Mr. Smith, their pastor, came to Boston by 
water, to confer with some of our magistrates and ministers 
about their case of Kenebeck. There met hereabout Mr. 
Winthrop, Mr. Cotton, and Mr. Wilson, and after they had 

* " Of the liberality of this distinguished friend of Massachusetts and 
Plymouth colonies, further notice will occur in our progress. He was an alderman 
of the city; and Thomas, probably his brother, became mayor of London." 


sought the Lord, they fell first upon some passages which they 
had taken some offence at, but those were soon cleared. Then 
for the matter itself, it fell into these two points: 1, whether 
their right of trade there were such, as they might lawfully 
hinder others from coming there; 2, admitting that, whether 
in point of conscience, they might so far stand upon their right 
as to take away or hazard any man's life in defence of it. 

For the first, their right appeared to be good ; for that, be- 
sides the king's grant, they had taken up that place as vacuum 
domicilium, and so had continued, without interruption or 
claim of any of the natives, for divers years ; and also had, by 
their charge and providence, drawn down thither the greatest 
part of the trade, by carrying wampampeage thither, which 
none of the English had known the use of before. For the 
second, they alleged, that their servant did kill Hockin to save 
other of their men, whom he was ready to have shot. Yet 
they acknowledged, that they did hold themselves under guilt 
of the breach of the sixth commandment, in that they did 
hazard man's life for such a cause, and did not rather wait to 
preserve their right by other means, which they rather ac- 
knowledged, because they wished it were not done ; and here- 
after they would be careful to prevent the like. 

The governor and Mr. Winthrop wrote their letters into 
England to mediate their peace, and sent them by Mr. Win- 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mason sent [blank] to 
Pascataquack and Aquamenticus, with two sawmills, to be 
erected, in each place one. 

Mr. Cradock wrote to the governor and assistants, and sent 
a copy of the coimcil's order, whereby we were required to 
send over our patent. Upon long consultation whether we 
should return answer or not, we agreed, and returned answer 
to Mr. Cradock, excusing that it could not be done but by a 
general court, which was to be holden in September next.^ 

* Cradock's letter was of a character to awaken grave apprehensions. 


Mr. Winthrop, the late governor, received a letter from the 
Earl of Warwick, wherein he congratulated the prosperity of 
our plantation, and encouraged our proceedings, and offered 
his help to further us in it. 

29.] The governor and council, and divers of the ministers, 
and others, met at Castle Island,^ and there agreed upon 
erecting two platforms and one small fortification to secure 
them both, and, for the present furtherance of it, they agreed 
to lay out £5 a man till a rate might be made at the next gen- 
eral court. The deputy, Roger Ludlow, was chosen overseer 
of this work. 

August 2.] Mr. Samuel Skelton, pastor of Salem, died. 

4.] At the court, the new town at Agawam was named 
Ipswich, in acknowledgment of the great honor and kindness 
done to our people which took shipping there, etc. ; and a day 
of thanksgiving appointed, a fortnight after, for the prosperous 
arrival of the others, etc. 

A letter was delivered to Mr. Winthrop by Mr. Jeffery, 
an old planter, written to him from Morton, wherein he related, 
how he had obtained his long suit, and that a commission was 
granted for a general governor to be sent over, with many 
railing speeches and threats against this plantation, and Mr. 
Winthrop in particular. Mr. Winthrop acquainted the gov- 
ernor and council with it, and some of the ministers. 

This summer was hotter than many before. 

12.] About midnight, one Craford, (who came this sum- 
mer,) with his brother and servant, having put much goods in 
a small boat in Charles River, over against Richard Brown his 
house, overset the boat with the weight of some hogsheads, (as 
was supposed,) so as they were all three drowned; yet one of 
them could swim well, and though the neighbors came running 
forth, instantly, upon their cry, yet none could be saved. 

Our neighbors of Plymouth and we had oft trade with the 
Dutch at Hudson's River, called by them New Netherlands. 

* Still so called, in Boston harbor. 


We had from them about forty sheep, and beaver, and brass 
pieces, and sugar, etc., for sack, strong waters, hnen cloth, and 
other commodities. They have a great trade of beaver, — about 
nine or ten thousand skins in a year. Our neighbors of Plym- 
outh had great trade also this year at Kenebeck, so as Mr. 
Winslow carried with him into England, this year, about twenty 
hogsheads of beaver, the greatest part whereof was traded for 

One pleasant passage happened, which was acted by the 
Indians. Mr. Winslow, coming in his bark from Connecticut 
to Narigansett — and he left her there, — and intending to 
return by land, he went to Osamekin^ the sagamore, his old 
ally, who offered to conduct him home to Pl3rmouth. But, 
before they took their journey, Osamekin sent one of his men 
to Pljnnouth to tell them that Mr. Winslow was dead; and 
directed him to show how and where he was killed. Where- 
upon there was much fear and sorrow at Plymouth. The 
next day, when Osamekin brought him home, they asked him 
why he sent such word, etc. He answered, that it was their 
manner to do so, that they might be more welcome when they 
came home. 

19.] Mr. Bradford and Mr. Collier of Plymouth came to 
Boston, having appointed a meeting here the week before, but 
by reason of foul weather were driven back. They had written 
to Capt. Wiggin of Pascataquack about the meeting for hearing 
the cause of Hockin's death. 

Com was this year at four shillings the bushel, and some at 
three shillings, and some cheaper. 

29.] The Dove, a pinnace of about fifty tons,^ came from 
Maryland upon Patomack River, with corn, to exchange for 
fish and other commodities. The governor, Leonard Calvert, 
and two of the commissioners, wrote to the governor here, 

^ Osamekin, thus naively mendacious, was Massasoit, it will be remembered. 
^ The Ark and Dove, ship and pinnace, had in the preceding spring brought 
to Maryland its first colonists. 


to make offer of trade of corn, etc., and the governor of Vir- 
ginia wrote also on their behalf, and one Capt. Young wrote 
to make offer to deUver cattle here. Near all their company 
came sick hither, and the merchant died within one week after. 
September 4.] The general com-t began at Newtown, and 
continued a week, and then was adjourned fourteen days. 
Many things were there agitated and concluded, as fortifying 
in Castle Island, Dorchester, and Charlestown; also against 
tobacco, and costly apparel, and immodest fashions; and 
committees appointed for setting out the bounds of towns; 
with divers other matters, which do appear upon record. But 
the main business, which spent the most time, and caused the 
adjourning of the court, was about the removal of Newtown. 
They had leave, the last general court, to look out some place 
for enlargement or removal, with promise of having it con- 
firmed to them, if it were not prejudicial to any other planta- 
tion; and now they moved, that they might have leave to re- 
move to Connecticut.^ This matter was debated divers days, 
and many reasons alleged pro and con. The principal reasons 
for their removal were, 1. Their want of accommodation for 
their cattle, so as they were not able to maintain their ministers, 
nor could receive any more of their friends to help them ; and 
here it was alleged by Mr. Hooker, as a fundamental error, that 
towns were set so near each to other. 

2. The fruitfulness and commodiousness of Connecticut, and 
the danger of having it possessed by others, Dutch or English. 

3. The strong bent of their spirits to remove thither. 
Against these it was said, 1. That, in point of conscience, 

they ought not to depart from us, being knit to us in one body, 
and bound by oath to seek the welfare of this commonwealth. 

^ This record of the discussion preceding a most important undertaking is 
of great interest. For an intelligent " reading between the lines " as to the settle- 
ment of Connecticut, see Johnston, Connecticut, ch. iii. Hooker may have felt 
that he and John Cotton could hardly dwell together in the same community in 
peace. The more democratic spirit also of the outgoing man was plainly evi- 
dent in what presently followed. 


2. That, in point of state and civil policy, we ought not to 
give them leave to depart. 1. Being we were now weak and 
in danger to be assailed. 2. The departure of Mr. Hooker 
would not only draw many from us, but also divert other 
friends that would come to us. 3. We should expose them to 
evident peril, both from the Dutch (who made claim to the 
same river, and had already built a fort there) and from the 
Indians, and also from our own state at home, who would not 
endure they should sit down without a patent in any place 
which our king lays claim unto. 

3. They might be accommodated at home by some enlarge- 
ment which other towns offered. 

4. They might remove to Merimack, or any other place 
within our patent. 

5. The removing of a candlestick is a great judgment, which 
is to be avoided. 

Upon these and other arguments the court being divided, it 
was put to vote ,* and, of the deputies, fifteen were for their de- 
parture, and ten against it. The governor and two assistants 
were for it, and the deputy and all the rest of the assistants 
were against it, (except the secretary, who gave no vote;) 
whereupon no record was entered, because there were not six 
assistants in the vote, as the patent requires. Upon this grew 
a great difference between the governor and assistants, and 
the deputies. They would not yield the assistants a negative 
voice, and the others (considering how dangerous it might be 
to the commonwealth, if they should not keep that strength to 
balance the greater number of the deputies) thought it safe to 
stand upon it. So, when they could proceed no farther, the 
whole court agreed to keep a day of humiliation to seek the 
Lord, wliich accordingly was done, in all the congregations, the 
18th day of this month; and the 24th the court met again. 
Before they began, Mr. Cotton preached, (being desired by all 
the coiut, upon Mr. Hooker's instant excuse of his unfitness 
for that occasion). He took his text out of Hag. ii. 4, etc., 


out of which he laid down the nature or strength (as he termed 
it) of the magistracy, ministry, and people, viz., — the strength 
of the magistracy to be their authority; of the people, their 
liberty; and of the ministry, their pm-ity; and showed how all 
of these had a negative voice, etc., and that yet the ultimate 
resolution, etc., ought to be in the whole body of the people, 
etc., with answer to all objections, and a declaration of the 
people's duty and right to maintain their true liberties against 
any unjust violence, etc., which gave great satisfaction to the 
company. And it pleased the Lord so to assist him, and to 
bless his own ordinance, that the affairs of the court went on 
cheerfully ; and although all were not satisfied about the nega- 
tive voice to be left to the magistrates, yet no man moved aught 
about it, and the congregation of Newtown came and accepted 
of such enlargement as had formerly been offered them by 
Boston and WatertowTi; and so the fear of their removal to 
Connecticut was removed. 

At this court Mr. Goodwin, a very reverend and godly man, 
being the elder of the congregation of Newtown, having, in 
heat of argument, used some imreverend speech to one of the 
assistants, and being reproved for the same in the open com't, 
did gravely and humbly acknowledge his fault, etc. 

18.] At this court were many laws made against tobacco, 
and immodest fashions, and costly apparel, etc., as appears 
by the Records; and £600* raised towards fortifications and 
other charges, which were the more hastened, because the 
Gjifjin and another ship now arriving with about two himdred 
passengers and one hundred cattle, (Mr. Lothrop and Mr. 
Simmes, two godly ministers, coming in the same ship,)" there 

^ "The apportionment," says Savage, "is worth transcribing from the 
Records, I. 128, as, we may be confident, it represents the relative weahh of the 
settlements: 'Boston, Dorchester, and Newtown, each, £S0; Roxbury, £70; 
Watertown, £&); Sangus and Ipswich, each, £50; Salem and Charlestown, 
each, £45; IVIedford, £20; Wessaguscus, £10; Barecove, £4.'" 

^ Most celebrated among the passengers, though not mentioned here, was 
Anne Hutchinson, now soon to declare herself. 


came over a copy of the commission granted to the two arch- 
bishops and ten others of the council, to regulate all plantations, 
and power given them, or any five of them, to call in all patents, 
to make laws, to raise tythes and portions for ministers, to re- 
move and punish governors, and to hear and determine all 
causes, and inflict all punishments, even death itself, etc.^ 
This being advised from our friends to be intended specially 
for us, and that there were ships and soldiers provided, given 
out as for the carrying the new governor, Capt. Woodhouse, to 
Virginia, but suspected to be against us, to compel us, by force, 
to receive a new governor, and the discipUne of the church 
of England, and the laws of the commissioners, — occasioned 
the magistrates and deputies to hasten om- fortifications, 
and to discover our minds each to other; which grew to this 
conclusion, viz.^ 

At this com*t, as before, the assistants had their diet at the 
governor's at NewtowTi, and the first day all the deputies. 
He had £100 allowed him for his charges, and £500 more was 
raised towards fortifications, etc. 

30.] About this time one Alderman, of Bear Cove, being 
about fifty years old, lost his way between Dorchester and 
Wessaguscus, and wandered in the woods and swamps three 
days and two nights, without taking any food, and, being near 
spent, God brought him to Scituate; but he had torn his legs 
much, etc. Other harm he had none. 

October 5.] It being found, that the four lectures did 
spend too much time, and proved over bui'densome to the 
ministers and people, the ministers, with the advice of the 
magistrates, and with consent of their congregations, did agree 
to reduce them to two days, viz., Mr. Cotton at Boston one 

^ This commission may be seen in Bradford, this series, pp. 415-419. 

' How far the colony had abandoned the temper shown in the Farewell to 
the Church of England, of three years before, Winthrop's entry makes plain, 
though the "conclusion" is not stated. It would have gone hard with Puritan- 
ism in New England, had not King and bishops now begun to feel the heat of a 
back-fire at home. 


Thursday, or the 5th day of the week, and Mr. Hooker at 
Newtown the next 5th day, and Mr. Warham at Dorchester 
one 4th day of the week, and Mr. Welde at Roxbury the next 
4th day. 

Mr. Lathrop, who had been pastor of a private congrega- 
tion in London, and for the same kept long time in prison, 
(upon refusal of the oath ex-officio,)^ being at Boston upon a 
sacrament day, after the sermon, etc., desired leave of the con- 
gregation to be present at the administration, etc., but said 
that he durst not desire to partake in it, because he was not 
then in order, (being dismissed from his former congregation,) 
and he thought it not fit to be suddenly admitted into any 
other, for example sake, and because of the deceitfulness of 
man's heart. He went to Scituate, being desired to be their 

14.] It was informed the governor, that some of our peo- 
ple, being aboard the bark of Maryland, the sailors did revile 
them, calling them holy brethren, the members, etc., and withal 
did curse and swear most horribly, and use threatening 
speeches against us. The governor wrote to some of the as- 
sistants about it, and, upon advice with the ministers, it was 
agreed to call them in question ; and to this end (because we 
knew not how to get them out of their bark) we apprehended 
the merchant of the ship, being on shore, and committed 
him to the marshal, till Mr. Maverick came and undertook that 
the offenders should be forthcoming. The next day (the 
governor not being well) we examined the witnesses, and found 
them fall short of the matter of threatening, and not to agree 
about the revihng speeches, and, beside, not able to design 
certainly the men that had so offended. Whereupon (the bark 
staying only upon this) the bail was discharged, and a letter 
written to the master, that, in regard such disorders were com- 

* The oath ex-officio, a part of the procedure of the court of high commission, 
was used to eHcit confession from clergymen suspected of tendencies toward non- 


mitted aboard his ship, it was his duty to inquire out the 
offenders and punish them; and withal to desire him to bring 
no more such disordered persons among us. 

Mr. Wilson's hay, being stacked up not well dried, fell on 
fire, to his great prejudice at this season; fired by his own ser- 
vants, etc., as they intended to prevent firing. 

The weather was very fine and hot, without rain, near six 

The Lords Say and Brook wrote to the governor and Mr. 
Bellingham,* that howsoever they might have sent a man of 
war to beat down the house at Kenebeck, for the death of 
Hockin, etc., yet they thought better to take another course; 
and therefore desired that some of ours might be joined with 
Capt. Wiggin, their agent at Pascataquack, to see justice 
done, etc. 

20.] Six men of Salem, going on fowling in a canoe, were 
overset near Kettle Island, and five of them drowned. 

November 5.] At the court of assistants complaint was 
made by some of the country, (viz., Richard Brown of Water- 
town, in the name of the rest,) that the ensign at Salem was 
defaced, viz. one part of the red cross taken out. Upon this, 
an attachment was awarded against Richard Davenport, 
ensign-bearer, to appear at the next court to answer. Much 
matter was made of this, as fearing it would be taken as an 
act of rebellion, or of like high nature, in defacing the king's 
colors ; though the truth were, it was done upon this opinion, 
that the red cross was given to the king of England by the pope, 
as an ensign of victory, and so a superstitious thing, and a 
rehque of antichrist.^ What proceeding was hereupon, will 

* Richard Bellingham, afterward governor, a man contentious and more 
democratic than many, survived to a great age — his Hfe being, as Hubbard says, 
"a long thread of above eighty years." His talents were adapted less for elo- 
quence than advice, "like a vessel whose vent holds no good proportion with 
its capacity." Hubbard, General History of New England, quoted by Savage. 

* The picturesque incident here referred to, than which scarcely any other 
incident of early New English history is better known, was a bold defiance of 
King and Church, who at this time were threatening heavily. 


appear after, at next court, in the first month ; (for, by reason 
of the great snows and frosts, we used not to keep courts in 
the three winter months). 

The Rebecka came from Narigansett with five hundred 
bushels of corn given to Mr. John Oldham. The Indians had 
promised him one thousand bushels, but their store fell out 
less than they expected. They gave him also an island in the 
Narigansett Bay, called Chippacursett, containing about one 
thousand acres, six miles long, and two miles broad. This is 
a very fair bay, being above twelve leagues square, with divers 
great islands in it, a deep channel close to the shore, being 
rocky. Mr. Peirce took the height there, and found it forty- 
one degrees, forty-one minutes, being not above half a degree 
to the southward of us. In his voyage to and fro, he went over 
the shoals, having, most part, five or six fathom, within half 
a mile and less of the shore from the north part of Cape Cod to 
Natuckett^ Island, which is about twenty leagues — and, in 
the shallowest place, two and an half fathom. The country 
on the west of the Bay of Naragansett is all champaign for 
many miles, but very stony, and full of Indians. He saw there 
above one thousand men, women, and children, yet the men 
were many abroad on hunting. Natuckett is an island full 
of Indians, about ten leagues in length east and west. 

6.] There came to the deputy governor, about fourteen 
days since, a messenger from the Pekod sachem, to desire our 
friendship.^ He brought two bundles of sticks, whereby he 
signified how many beaver and otter skins he would give us 
for that end, and great store of wampompeage, (about two 
bushels, by his description). He brought a small present with 
him, which the deputy received, and returned a moose coat of 
as good value, and withal told him, that he must send persons 

* Nantucket. 

* The contact with the Pequots thus described marks a critical time. These 
savages were of a fiercer character than the New England tribes in general, a 
recent intrusion into Connecticut from west of the Hudson of a sept probably 
allied with the Mohawks. Johnston, Connecticut, p. 28. 


of greater quality, and then our governor would treat with 
them. And now there came two men, who brought another 
present of wampompeage. The deputy brought them to Bos- 
ton, where most of the assistants were assembled, by occasion 
of the lecture, who, calling to them some of the ministers, 
grew to this treaty with them: That we were willing to have 
friendship etc.; but because they had killed some English- 
men, viz. Capt. Stone, etc., they must first dehver up those 
who were guilty of his death, etc. They answered, that the 
sachem, who then lived, was slain by the Dutch, and all the 
men, who were guilty, etc., were dead of the pox, except two, 
and that if they were worthy of death, they would move their 
sachem to have them delivered, (for they had no commission 
to do it ;) but they excused the fact, saying that Capt. Stone, 
coming into their river, took two of their men and bound them, 
and made them show him the way up the river, which when 
they had done, he with two others and the two Indians, (their 
hands still bound,) went on shore, and nine of their men watched 
them, and when they were on sleep in the night, they killed 
them; then going towards the pinnace to have taken that, it 
suddenly blew up into the air. This was related with such 
confidence and gravity, as, having no means to contradict it, 
we inclined to beheve it. But, the governor not being present, 
we concluded nothing; but some of us went with them the 
next day to the governor. 

The reason why they desired so much our friendship was, 
because they were now in war with the Naragansetts, whom, 
till this year, they had kept imder, and likewise with the Dutch, 
who had killed their old sachem and some other of their men, 
for that the Pekods had killed some Indians, who came to trade 
with the Dutch at Connecticut ; and, by these occasions, they 
could not trade safely any where. Therefore they desired us 
to send a pinnace with cloth, and we should have all their 

They offered us also all their right at Connecticut, and to 


further us what they could, if we would settle a plantation 

When they came to the governor, they agreed, according to 
the former treaty, viz. to deliver us the two men, who were 
guilty of Capt. Stone's death, when we would send for them; 
to yield up Connecticut; to give us four hundred fathom of 
wampompeage, and forty beaver, and thirty otter skins ; and 
that we should presently send a pinnace with cloth to trade 
with them, and so should be at peace with them, and as friends 
to trade with them, but not to defend them, etc. 

The next morning news came, that two or three hundred 
of the Naragansetts were come to Cohann, viz. Neponsett, 
to kill the Pekod ambassadors, etc. Presently we met at 
Roxbury, and raised some few men in arms, and sent to the 
Naragansett men to come to us. When they came there were 
no more but two of their sachems, and about twenty more, 
who had been on hunting thereabouts, and came to lodge with 
the Indians at Cohann, as their manner is. So we treated 
with them about the Pekods, and, at our request, they prom- 
ised they should go and come to and from us in peace, and they 
were also content to enter further treaty of peace with them; 
and in all things showed themselves very ready to gratify us. 
So the Pekods returned home, and the Naragansetts departed 
well satisfied ; only they were told in private, that if they did 
make peace with the Pekods, we would give them part of that 
wampompeage, which they should give us; (for the Pekods 
held it dishonorable to offer them any thing as of themselves, 
yet were willing we should give it them, and indeed did offer 
us so much for that end). 

The agreement they made with us was put in writing, and 
the two ambassadors set to their marks — one a bow with an 
arrow in it, and the other a hand. 

13.] The Regard, a ship of Barnstable, of about two 
hundred tons, arrived with twenty passengers and about fifty 


One thing I think fit to observe, as a witness of God's 
providence for this plantation. There came in this ship one 
Mansfield, a poor godly man of Exeter, being very desirous to 
come to us, but not able to transport his family. There was 
in the city a rich merchant, one Marshall, who being troubled 
in his dreams about the said poor man, could not be quiet till 
he had sent for him, and given him £50, and lent him £100, 
wilUng him withal, that, if he wanted, he should send to him 
for more. This Mansfield grew suddenly rich, and then lost 
his godliness, and his wealth soon after. 

18.] About this time an open pinnace of one Mr. Sewall * of 
Ipswich, going deep laden from Boston, was cast away upon 
the rocks at the head of Cape Ann, in a N. E. storm; but all 
the men were saved. 

21.] One Willys, a godly man, and member of Boston 
church, and one Dorety, an honest man, and two boys, going 
over to Noddle's Island to fetch wood, in a small boat, and 
none of them having any skill or experience, were cast away 
in a N. E. tempest, as they came home in the night laden, being 
then ebbing water. We sent two boats on the Lord's day, 
(so soon as they were missing, being the 23d,) but they could 
not find men, or boat, or wood, in any part of the bay. 
Three days after, the boat was found at Muddy River, over- 

27.] The assistants met at the governor's, to advise about 
the defacing of the cross in the ensign at Salem, where (taking 
advice with some of the ministers) we agreed to write to Mr. 
Downing in England, of the truth of the matter, under all our 
hands, that, if occasion were, he might show it in our excuse; 
for therein we expressed our dislike of the thing, and our pur- 
pose to punish the offenders, yet with as much wariness as we 
might, being doubtful of the lawful use of the cross in an 

* The ancestor of a distinguished and widely distributed American family, 
of which the famous chief-justice, in the next generation, was the most interesting 
Massachusetts member. 


ensign, though we were clear that fact/ as concerning the mat- 
ter, was very unlawful. 

It was then informed us, how Mr. Eliot, the teacher of the 
church of Roxbury, had taken occasion, in a sermon, to speak 
of the peace made with the Pekods, and to lay some blame 
upon the ministry for proceeding therein, without consent 
of the people, and for other faihngs, (as he conceived). We 
took order, that he should be dealt with by Mr. Cotton, Mr. 
Hooker, and Mr. Welde, to be brought to see his error, and 
to heal it by some public explanation of his meaning; for 
the people began to take occasion to mm^mur against us for it.^ 

It was likewise informed, that Mr. Williams of Salem had 
broken his promise to us, in teaching publickly against the 
king's patent, and our great sin in claiming right thereby to 
this country, etc., and for usual terming the churches of England 
antichristian. We granted summons to him for his appear- 
ance at the next court.' 

The aforesaid three ministers, upon conference with the 
said Mr. Eliot, brought him to acknowledge his error in that 
he had mistaken the ground of his doctrine, and that he did 
acknowledge, that, for a peace only, (whereby the people were 
not to be engaged in a war,) the magistrates might conclude, 
plehe inconsulto, and so promised to express himself in public 
next Lord's day. 

24.] One Scott and Eliot of Ipswich were lost in their 
way homewards, and wandered up and down six days, and 
eat nothing. At length they were found by an Indian, being 
almost senseless for want of rest, etc. 

About the same time one \blank'\ was twenty-one days 

^ Fact in the sense of action, Lat. factum,. 

' Eliot probably knew well the character of the Pequots, and remonstrated 
as a friend of the Massachusetts Indians, with whom his relations were becoming 
close, and whose welfare was seriously threatened. Evidently his disposition was 
more democratic than that of some of his contemporaries. 

' An evidence that Roger Williams meant to be just, though sometimes his 
judgments were strained. 


upon Plumb Island, and found by chance frozen in the snow, 
yet ahve, and did well. He had been missing twenty days, 
and himself said he had no food all that time. 

December 4.] Was an extraordinary tempest of wind and 
snow, at N. N. E. which continued twenty-fom' hours, and after 
that such frost as, within two days, the whole bay was frozen 
over, but free again before night. 

11.] The lectures at Boston and Newtown returned again 
to their former course, because the weather was many times so 
tedious as people could not travel, etc. 

This day, after the lecture, the inhabitants of Boston met 
to choose seven men who should divide the town lands among 
them. They chose by papers,^ and in their choice left out 
Mr. Winthrop, Coddington, and other of the chief men; only 
they chose one of the elders and a deacon, and the rest of the 
inferior sort, and Mr. Winthrop had the greater number before 
one of them by a voice or two. This they did, as fearing that 
the richer men would give the poorer sort no great proportions 
of land, but would rather leave a great part at liberty for new 
comers and for common, which Mr. Winthrop had oft per- 
suaded them unto, as best for the town, etc. Mr. Cotton and 
divers others were offended at this choice, because they de- 
chned the magistrates; and Mr. Winthrop refused to be one 
upon such an election as was carried by a voice or two, teUing 
them, that though, for his part, he did not apprehend any 
personal injury, nor did doubt of their good affection towards 
him, yet he was much grieved that Boston should be the 
first who should shake off their magistrates, especially Mr. 
Coddington,^ who had been always so forward for their en- 

* 7. e., by secret ballot. 

' William Coddington, already mentioned, served as colonial treasurer and 
as assistant. Winthrop and Cotton here strongly disapproved the public action 
vi^hich left out of the commission for the distribution of the lands, a worthy magis- 
trate. Coddington before long departed as an exile to Aquidneck, where he 
lived until nearly fourscore, the most eminent citizen of Rhode Island, a fellow- 
spirit of Roger Williams at Providence. But he grew weary at last of his radical 


largement; adding further reason of declining this choice, to 
blot out so bad a precedent. Whereupon, at the motion of 
Mr. Cotton, who showed them, that it was the Lord's order 
among the Israehtes to have all such businesses committed 
to the elders, and that it had been nearer the rule to have 
chosen some of each sort, etc., they all agreed to go to a new 
election, which was referred to the next lecture day. 

The reason why some were not wilHng that the people should 
have more land in the bay than they might be likely to use in 
some reasonable time, was partly to prevent the neglect of 
trades, and other more necessary employments, and partly that 
there might be place to receive such as should come after; 
seeing it would be very prejudicial to the commonwealth, if 
men should be forced to go far off for land, while others had 
much, and could make no use of it, more than to please their 
eye with it. 

One Abigail Gifford, widow, being kept at the charge of 
the parish of Wilsden in Middlesex, near London, was sent by 
Mr. Ball's ship into this comitry, and being found to be some- 
times distracted, and a very burdensome woman, the governor 
and assistants returned her back by warrant, 18, to the same 
parish, in the ship Rebecca. 

22.] A fast was kept by the church of Charlton, and Mr. 
Symmes chosen their teacher. 

By a letter from Plymouth it was certified, that the Dutch 
of Hudson's River had been at Connecticut, and came in war- 
like manner to put the Plymouth men out of their house 
there ; but when they stood upon their defence, they departed, 
without offering any violence. 


11 mo. 13.]^ The church of Boston kept a day of humilia- 
tion for the absence of their pastor and other brethren, gone 
to England, and hke to be troubled and detained there, and 
for that the Lord had made a breach upon them by those four 
which were drowned, as is before set down ; at which fast Mr. 
Cotton preached out of Numbers xxxv. 13, and one of the 
members taught out of that in Lamentations iii. 39: Where- 
fore doth a living man complain? 

19.] All the ministers, except Mr. Ward^ of Ipswich, met 
at Boston, being requested by the governor and assistants, 
to consider of these two cases: 1. What we ought to do, if a 
general governor should be sent out of England? 2. Whether 
it be lawful for us to carry the cross in our banners? — In the 
first case, they all agreed, that, if a general governor were sent, 
we ought not to accept him, but defend our lawful possessions, 
(if we were able;) otherwise to avoid or protract. For the 
matter of the cross, they were divided, and so deferred it to 
another meeting. 

About the middle of this month, Mr. Allerton's pinnace 
came from the French about Port Royal. They went to fetch 

^ Here for the first time the author abandons the Roman names of the 
months, substituting in accordance with Puritan sentiment a system of numbering, 
beginning with March as the first month. In this edition the more familiar names 
of the months are inserted in itahcs. The date above is for January 13, 1634/5. 

^ Nathaniel Ward, minister of Ipswich, author of the Body of Liberties, 
presently to be mentioned, was a most curious and racy personality. He was 
bred a lawyer, but taking orders, was deprived for non-conformity, and came to 
New England in 1634. Though quite in accord with his contemporaries in 
orthodoxy, and the special spokesman of the prevailing intolerance, he stands 
in refreshing contrast with the exaggerated gravity and dulness of so many of 
his brethren. See Tyler, American Literature, I. 271. His Simple Cohler of 
Aggawam Savage calls "very attractive for its humor, and curious for its execrable 



the two men, which had been carried by the French from Ma- 
chias, and to demand the goods taken, etc. But Mr. La Tout 
made them answer, that he took them as lawful prize, and that 
he had authority from the king of France, who challenged all 
from Cape Sable to Cape Cod, wishing them to take notice, 
and to certify the rest of the English, that, if they traded to the 
east of Pemaquid, he would make prize of them. Being de- 
sired to show his commission, he answered, that his sword was 
commission sufficient, where he had strength to overcome; 
where that wanted, he would show his commission.^ 

In the end of this month, three men had their boat frozen 
up at Bird Island, as they were coming from Deer Island, so 
as they were compelled to lodge there all night; and in the 
morning they came over the ice to Noddle's Isle, and thence 
to Molten's Point in Charlestown, and thence over the ice, 
by Mr. Hoffe's, to Boston. At the same time six others were 
kept a week at the Governor's Garden; and in the end gate 
with their boat to Mattapan Point; for, near all that time, 
there was no open place between the Garden and Boston, 
neither was there any passing at Charlestown for two or three 
days, the wind about the N. W. three weeks, with much snow 
and extreme frost. ^ 

Mo. 12. (February.)] About the middle of this month, a 
proper young man, servant to Mr. Bellingham, passing over 

^ Massachusetts, in particular Boston, stood from this time forward in the 
fore-front of the EngHsh settlements as they faced the French. The latter came 
at last to call English colonists in general "Bostonnais"; and so late as our 
Revolution, George Rogers Clark in the far West found that the French and 
savages confronting him had been incited "to fight Boston." At the present 
moment, two Frenchmen, La Tour and d'Aulnay, had been appointed to govern 
the French claim, the jurisdiction of the former extending east of the St. Croix 
River; of the latter, to the west. As the western limits of "Acadie" were quite 
undetermined, disputes early arose with the English on the Maine coast. La 
Tour and dAulnay presently also fell out between themselves. The relations 
of Massachusetts with these two men were very trying, and occasion some of 
Winthrop's liveliest pages. Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, I. 282. 

^ Bird Island has disappeared. The Governor's Garden was no doubt the 
present Governor's Island. To a large extent the localities of the harbor retain 
their ancient names. 


the ice to Winnesemett, fell in, and was drowned. Divers 
others fell in, in that and other places, but, by God's provi- 
dence, were saved. 

14.] Capt. Wiggin, governor at Pascataquack, under the 
Lords Say and Brook, wrote to our governor, desiring to have 
two men tried here, who had committed sodomy with each 
other, and that on the Lord's day, in time of public exercise. 
The governor and divers of the assistants met and conferred 
about it, but did not think fit to try them here. 

Mo. 1. (March) 4.] A general court at Newtown. Mr. 
Hooker preached, and showed the three great evils. 

At this court, one of the deputies ^ was questioned for deny- 
ing the magistracy among us, affirming that the power of 
the governor was but ministerial, etc. He had also much op- 
posed the magistrates, and slighted them, and used many 
weak arguments against the negative voice, as himself 
acknowledged upon record. He was adjudged by all the 
court to be disabled for three years from bearing any public 

One of the assistants was called to the lower end of the 
table to answer for refusing to pay towards a rate made by the 
court, and was fined £5, which was after released. 

Mr. Endecott was called to answer for defacing the cross in 
the ensign; but, because the court could not agree about the 
thing, whether the ensigns should be laid by, in regard that 
many refused to follow them, the whole cause was deferred 
till the next general court ; and the commissioners for military 
affairs gave order, in the mean time, that all the ensigns should 
be laid aside, etc. 

1 This deputy, so democratic in his ideas, was Israel Stoughton, who later 
returning to England, rose to a lieutenant-colonelcy among the Ironsides. His 
son William was the first lieutenant-governor under the charter of William and 
Mary, and chief-justice during the witch-trials, where he shared in the delusion 
to which few of his contemporaries were superior. He is more honorably re- 
membered for his gift to Harvard College, where Stoughton Hall perpetuates 
his name. 


At this court brass farthings were forbidden, and musket 
bullets made to pass for farthings. 

A commission for military affairs was established, which 
had power of life and limb, etc.* 

15.] Two of the elders of every church met at Sagus, 
and spent there three days. The occasion was, that divers 
of the brethren of that church, not liking the proceedings of 
the pastor, and withal making question, whether they were 
a church or not, did separate from church communion. The 
pastor and other brethren desired the advice and help of the 
rest of the churches, who, not thinking fit to judge of the cause, 
without hearing the other side, offered to meet at Sagus about 
it. Upon this the pastor, etc., required the separate members 
to deHver their grievances in writing, which they refusing to do, 
the pastor, etc., wrote to all the churches, that, for this cause, 
they were purposed to proceed against them as persons ex- 
communicated; and therefore desired them to stay their 
journey, etc. This letter being read at a lecture at Boston, 
(where some of the elders of every church were present,) they 
all agreed (with consent of their churches) to go presently to 
Sagus, to stay this hasty proceeding, etc. Accordingly, being 
met, and both parties (after much debate) being heard, it was 
agreed, that they were a true church, though not constituted, 
at first, in due order, yet after consent and practice of a church 
estate had supplied that defect; and so all were reconciled. 

Mo. 2. (April.)] Some of our people went to Cape Cod, and 
made some oil of a whale, which was cast on shore. There were 
three or four cast up, as it seems there is almost every year. 

26.] An alarm was raised in all our towns, and the governor 
and assistants met at Boston, and sent forth a shallop to 
Cape Ann, to discover what ships were there. For the fisher- 
men had brought in word to Marblehead, that two ships had 
been hovering upon the coast all the day; one of about four 

* For a full account of the great power granted this commission, see Massa- 
chusetts Colonial Records, I. 139. 


hundred tons, and the other three hundred and fifty, and were 
gone in to Cape Ann. But it proved to be only one ship of 
eighty tons, bound for Richman's Isle, and the other a small 
pinnace of ten tons. 

30.] The governor and assistants sent for Mr. WiUiams. 
The occasion was, for that he had taught publicly, that a 
magistrate ought not to tender an oath to an unregenerate 
man, for that we thereby have communion with a wicked man 
in the worship of God, and cause him to take the name of God 
in vain. He was heard before all the ministers, and very 
clearly confuted. Mr. Endecott was at first of the same 
opinion, but he gave place to the truth. 

Mo. 3. (May) 6.] A general court was held at Newtown, 
where John Haynes, Esq., was chosen governor, Richard 
Bellingham, Esq., deputy governor, and Mr. Hough and Mr. 
Dummer chosen assistants to the former ; and Mr. Ludlow, the 
late deputy, left out of the magistracy. The reason was, partly, 
because the people would exercise their absolute power, etc., 
and partly upon some speeches of the deputy, who protested 
against the election of the governor as void, for that the depu- 
ties of the several towns had agreed upon the election before 
they came, etc. But this was generally discussed, and the 
election adjudged good. 

Mr. Endecott was also left out, and called into question 
about the defacing the cross in the ensign; and a committee 
was chosen, viz., every town chose one, (which yet were voted 
by all the people,) and the magistrates chose four, who, taking 
the charge to consider of the offence, and the censure due to it, 
and to certify the court, after one or two hours time, made 
report to the court, that they found his offence to be great, viz., 
rash and without discretion, taking upon him more authority 
than he had, and not seeking advice of the court, etc.; un- 
charitable, in that he, judging the cross, etc., to be a sin, did 
content himself to have reformed it at Salem, not taking care 
that others might be brought out of it also ; laying a blemish 


also upon the rest of the magistrates, as if they would suffer 
idolatry, etc., and giving occasion to the state of England to 
think ill of us; — for which they adjudged him worthy admoni- 
tion, and to be disabled for one year from bearing any pubUc 
office ; declining any heavier sentence, because they were per- 
suaded he did it out of tenderness of conscience, and not of any 
evil intent.^ 

Some petitions of grievances were tendered to the court in 
the beginning of it, but the court refused to hear any, or to 
meddle in any courses but making freemen, until the elections 
were passed. The governor and deputy were elected by papers, 
wherein their names were written; but the assistants were 
chosen by papers, without names, viz. the governor propounded 
one to the people ; then they all went out, and came in at one 
door, and every man delivered a paper into a hat. Such as 
gave their vote for the party named, gave in a paper with some 
figures or scroll in it; others gave in a blank. 

The new governor, in his speech to the people, declared his 
purpose to spare their charge towards his allowance this year, 
partly in respect of their love showed towards him, and partly 
for that he observed how much the people had been pressed 
lately with public charges, which the poorer sort did much 
groan under.^ 

A petition was preferred by many of Dorchester, etc., for 
releasing the sentence against Mr. Stoughton the last general 
court; but it was rejected, and the sentence affirmed by the 
country to be just. 

Divers jealousies, that had been between the magistrates 
and deputies, were now cleared, with full satisfaction to all 

The matter of altering the cross in the ensign was referred 
to the next meeting, (the court being adjourned for three 

^ That spirits like Williams and Endicott, extremists in different directions, 
caused constant anxiety to the wary and tactful leaders is in these years often 

* The well-to-do Haynes could no doubt afford to perform this gracious act. 


weeks,) it being propounded to turn it to the red and white 
rose, etc., and every man was to deal with his neighbors, 
to still their minds, who stood so stiff for the cross, until we 
should fully agree about it, which was expected, because the 
ministers had promised to take pains about it, and to write into 
England, to have the judgments of the most wise and godly 

The deputies having conceived great danger to our state, in 
regard that our magistrates, for want of positive laws, in 
many cases, might proceed according to their discretions, it 
was agreed that some men should be appointed to frame a 
body of grounds of laws, in resemblance to a Magna Charta, 
which, being allowed by some of the ministers, and the general 
court, should be received for fundamental laws. 

At this general court, some of the chief of Ipswich desired 
leave to remove to Quascacunquen, to begin a town there, 
which was granted them, and it was named Newberry. 

Also, Watertown and Roxbury had leave to remove 
whither they pleased, so as they continued under this gov- 
ernment. The occasion of their desire to remove was, for 
that all towns in the bay began to be much straitened by 
their own nearness to one another, and their cattle being so 
much increased. 

21.] A Dutch ship of one hundred and sixty tons arrived 
at Marblehead. Capt. Hurlston came merchant. She came 
from Christopher Island. She brought one himdred and forty 
tons of salt, and ten thousand weight of tobacco. 

This island hes in eighteen degrees, and is about thirty 
miles in compass, inhabited by two colonies, one EngUsh and 
another French. There is in it about four thousand persons. 
They have three English churches, but the people are very 
wicked, as the merchant (who dwelt there five years) com- 
plained. The salt is made with the sun in a natural pan, half 
a mile from the sea. Their rain begins in September, and con- 
tinues till February. 


Mo. 4. (June) 3.] Here arrived two Dutch ships, who 
brought twenty-seven Flanders mares, at £34 a mare, and 
three horses; sixty-three heifers, at £12 the beast; and eighty- 
eight sheep, at 50s. the sheep. They came from the Tessell** 
in five weeks three days, and lost not one beast or sheep. Here 
arrived also, the same day, the James, a ship of three hundred 
tons, with cattle and passengers, which came all safe from 
Southampton within the same time. Mr. Graves was master, 
who had come every year for these seven years. 7. The 
Lord's day there came in seven other ships, and one to Salem, 
and four more to the mouth of the bay, with store of passengers 
and cattle. They came all within six weeks. 

For preventing the loss of time, and drunkenness, which 
sometimes happened, by people's running to the ships, and the 
excessive prices of commodities, it was ordered, that one in each 
town should buy for all, etc., and should retail the same 
within twenty days at five per himdred, if any came to buy in 
that time. But this took no good effect ; for most of the peo- 
ple would not buy, except they might buy for themselves ; and 
the merchants appointed could not disburse so much money, 
etc.; and the seamen were much discontented, yet some of 
them brought their goods on shore and sold them there. 

16.] A bark of forty tons arrived, set forth with twenty 
servants, by Sir Richard Saltonstall, to go plant at Connecti- 

By a letter from the Lord Say, and report of divers passen- 
gers, it was certified to us, that Capt. Mason and others, the 
adversaries of this colony, had built a great ship to send over 
the general governor, etc., which, being launched, fell in sunder 
in the midst. 

It appeared likewise, by a copy of a petition sent over to us, 
that they had divided all this country of New England, viz. 
between St. Croix in the east, and that of Lord Bartimore, 
called Maryland, into twelve provinces, disposed to twelve in 

1 Texel, North Holland. 


England, who should send each ten men to attend the general 
governor coming over; but the project [took] not effect. 
The Lord frustrated their design/ 

Two carpenters, going to wash themselves in the river 
between Mount Woollaston and Wessaguscus, were carried 
away with the tide, and drowned. 

24.] Mr. Graves, in the James, and Mr. Hodges, in the 
Rebecka, set sail for the Isle of Sable for sea-horse (which are 
there in great number) and wild cows. Mr. John Rose, being 
cast ashore there in the [Mary and Jane] two years since, 
and making a small pinnace of the wreck of his ship, sailed 
thence to the French upon the main, being thirty leagues off, 
by whom he was detained prisoner, and forced to pilot them to 
the island, where they had great store of sea-horse teeth, and 
cattle, and store [of] black foxes ; and they left seventeen men 
upon the island to inhabit it. The island is thirty miles 
long, two miles broad in most places, a mere sand, yet full of 
fresh water in ponds, etc. He saw about eight hundred cattle, 
small and great, all red, and the largest he ever saw, and many 
foxes, whereof some perfect black. There is no wood upon it, 
but store of wild peas and flags by the ponds, and grass. In 
the middle of it is a pond of salt water, ten miles long, full of 
plaice, soles, etc. The company, which went now, carried 
twelve landmen, two mastiffs, a house, and a shallop. 

August 26.] They returned from their voyage. They 
found there upon the island sixteen Frenchmen, who had 
wintered there, and built a little fort, and had killed some black 
foxes. They had killed also many of the cattle, so as they 
found not above one hundred and forty, and but two or three 
calves. They could kill but few sea-horse, by reason they were 
forced to travel so far in the sand as they were too weak to stick 
them, and they came away at such time as they used to go up 

' The friends of Sir Ferdinando Gorges were too much engrossed at home 
to aid in this sweeping obHteration of what had been estabHshed. For the quo 
warranto writ issued against Massachusetts, see Hutchinson Papers, ed. 1865, I, 


highest to eat green peas. The winter there is very cold, and 
the snow above knee deep. 

Mo. 5. (July) 8.] At the general court, Mr. Williams of 
Salem was summoned, and did appear. It was laid to his 
charge, that, being under question before the magistracy and 
churches for divers dangerous opinions, viz. 1, that the magis- 
trate ought not to punish the breach of the fu'st table, other- 
wise than in such cases as did disturb the civil peace; 2, that 
he ought not to tender an oath to an unregenerate man; 3, 
that a man ought not to pray with such, though wife, child, 
etc. ; 4, that a man ought not to give thanks after the sacra- 
ment nor after meat, etc.; and that the other churches were 
about to write to the church of Salem to admonish him of these 
errors; notwithstanding the church had since called him to 
[the] office of a teacher. Much debate was about these things. 
The said opinions were adjudged by all, magistrates and 
ministers, (who were desired to be present,) to be erroneous, 
and very dangerous, and the calling of him to office, at that 
time, was judged a great contempt of authority. So, in fine, 
time was given to him and the church of Salem to consider of 
these things till the next general court, and then either to 
give satisfaction to the court, or else to expect the sentence; 
it being professedly declared by the ministers, (at the request 
of the court to give their advice,) that he who should obstinately 
maintain such opinions, (whereby a church might run into 
heresy, apostacy, or tjranny, and yet the civil magistrate 
could not intermeddle,) were to be removed, and that the other 
churches ought to request the magistrates so to do. 

At this court Wessaguscus was made a plantation, and 
Mr. Hull, a minister in England, and twenty-one families 
with him, allowed to sit down there — after called Weymouth. 

A plantation was likewise erected at Bear's Cove, after 
called Hingham. 

12.] Mr. Luxon arrived here in a small pinnace. He 
fished at the Isle of Shoals, as he had done many years, and, 


returning to sell his fish at market, was taken in foggy weather, 
and carried into the bay of Port Royal, and there wrecked upon 
a small island about [blank] leagues from the main. So he 
built a pinnace, and came hither in her/ 

Salem men had preferred a petition, at the last general 
court, for some land in Marblehead Neck, which they did 
challenge as belonging to their town; but, because they had 
chosen Mr. Williams their teacher, while he stood under 
question of authority, and so offered contempt to the magis- 
trates, etc., their petition was refused till, etc. Upon this 
the church of Salem write to other churches, to admonish the 
magistrates of this as a heinous sin, and likewise the deputies ; 
for which, at the next general court, their deputies were not 
received until they should give satisfaction about the letter. 

Mo. 6. Aug. 16.] The wind having blown hard at S. and 
S. W. a week before, about midnight it came up at N. E. and 
blew with such violence, with abundance of rain, that it blew 
down many hundreds of trees, near the towns, overthrew 
some houses, [and] drave the ships from their anchors. The 
Great Hope, of Ipswich, being about four hundred tons, was 
driven on ground at Mr. Hoff's Point, and brought back again 
presently by a N. W. wind, and ran on shore at Charlestown. 
About eight of the clock the wind came about to N. W. very 
strong, and, it being then about high water, by nine the tide 
was fallen about three feet. Then it began to flow again about 
one hour, and rose about two or three feet, which "was con- 
ceived to be, that the sea was grown so high abroad with 
the N. E. wind, that, meeting with the ebb, it forced it back 

This tempest was not so far as Cape Sable, but to the 
south more violent, and made a double tide all that coast. 

* The ship-captains, messengers back and forth across the sea, and guides 
and protectors of those who came over, were naturally held in great respect, no 
doubt with good reason, for only bold and skilful men were adequate to the 
navigation. They were accorded the title of "Mr.," which in those days meant 
something. Luxon appears as master of the Fellowship, of 170 tons. 


In this tempest, the James of Bristol, having one hundred 
passengers,^ honest people of Yorkshire, being put into the 
Isle of Shoals, lost there three anchors; and, setting sail, no 
canvas nor ropes would hold, but she was driven within a 
cable's length of the rocks at Pascataquack, when suddenly 
the wind, coming to N. W., put them back to the Isle of 
Shoals, and, being there ready to strike upon the rocks, they 
let out a piece of their mainsail, and weathered the rocks. In 
the same tempest a bark of Mr. Allerton's was cast away upon 
Cape Ann, and twenty-one persons drowned; among the 
rest one Mr. Avery, a minister in Wiltshire, a godly man, 
with his wife and six small children, were drowned. None 
were saved but one Mr. Thacher and his wife, who were cast 
on shore, and preserved by a powder horn and a bag with a 
flint, and a goat and a cheese, cast on shore after them, and 
a truss of bedding, and some other necessaries: and the third 
day after a shallop came thither to look for another shallop, 
which was missing in the storm, and so they were preserved. 
So as there did appear a miraculous providence in their preser- 
vation. The general court gave Mr. Thacher £26.13.4, 
towards his losses, and divers good people gave him besides. 
The man was cast on shore, when he had been (as he thought) 
a quarter of an hour beaten up and down by the waves, not 
being able to swim one stroke ; and his wife sitting in the scuttle 
of the bark, the deck was broke off, and brought on shore, 
as she stuck in it. One of the children was then cast dead 
on shore, and the rest never found.^ 

Gabriel lost at Pemaquid; and Mr. Witheridge and the 

^ Among these storm-tost people was Rev. Richard Mather, from Lanca- 
shire, ancestor of the famous Mather family. Of the voyage in which he so 
nearly perished, he kept an interesting diary, preserved in Young, Chronicles of 
Massachusetts, xxii. 

*The sufferings of Parsons Avery and Thacher are described by Cotton 
Mather in an interesting and characteristic passage {Magnalia, book I., ch. li.). 
Here we are told that these outer ledges were named from the event Airry's 
Fall and Thacher's Woe, names not yet forgotten. Parson Avery of Newbury 
and his "swan-song" find noble commemoration in the ballad of Whittier. 


Dartmouth ships cut all their masts at St. George. The tide 
rose at Naragansett fourteen feet higher than ordinary, and 
drowned eight Indians flying from their wigwams. 

At this time a French ship came with commission from the 
king of France, (as they pretended,) and took Penobscott, a 
Plymouth trading house, and sent away the men which were in 
it, but kept their goods and gave them bills for them, and bad 
them tell all the plantations, as far as forty degrees, that they 
would come with eight ships, next year, and displant them all. 
But, by a letter which the captain wrote to the governor of 
Plymouth, it appeared they had commission from Mons. 
Roselly,* commander at the fort near Cape Breton, called La 
Havre, to displant the English as far as Pemaquid, and by 
it they professed all courtesy to us here. 

Mr. Williams, pastor of Salem, being sick and not able to 
speak, wrote to his church a protestation, that he could not 
communicate with the churches in the bay; neither would he 
communicate with them, except they would refuse communion 
with the rest; but the whole church was grieved herewith. 

The Dorchester men being set down at Connecticut, near 
the Plymouth trading house, the governor, Mr. Bradford, wrote 
to them, complaining of it as an injury, in regard of their 
possession and purchase of the Indians, whose right it was, and 
the Dutch sent home into Holland for commission to deal with 
our people at Connecticut.^ 

September 1.] At this general court was the first grand 
jury, who presented above one hundred offences, and, among 
others, some of the magistrates. 

At this court Mr. Endecott made a protestation in justifica- 
tion of the letter formerly sent from Salem to the other churches 
against the magistrates and deputies, for which he was com- 
mitted; but, the same day, he came and acknowledged his 
fault, and was discharged. 

^ Claude Razilly, governor of Acadia and Canada. 
* See Bradford, in this series, p. 325, 


Divers lewd servants (viz., six) ran away, and stole a 
skiff and other things. A commission was granted, at the 
general court, to Capt. Trask to fetch them and other such 
from the eastward. He pursued them to the Isle of Shoals, 
and so to Pascataquack, where, in the night, he surprised 
them in a house, and brought them to Boston. At next court 
they were severely whipped, and ordered to pay all charges, 

At this court there was granted to Mr. Buckly and [UankY 
merchant, and about twelve more famihes, to begin a town at 
Musketaquid, for which they were allowed six miles upon the 
river, and to be free from pubhc charges three years; and it 
was named Concord. A town was also begun above the falls 
of Charles River. 

At the Dutch plantation, this summer, a ship's long boat 
was overset with a gust, and five men in her, who gat upon her 
keel, and were driven to sea four days, in which time three of 
them dropt off and were drowned; and the fifth day the 
fourth, being sore beaten, and pained with hunger and thirst, 
wilfully fell off and was drowned. Soon after the wind came 
up at S. E. and carried the boat, with the fifth man, to the 
Long Island, and, being only able to creep on shore, he was 
found by the Indians, and preserved. He was grown very 
poor, and almost senseless, with hunger and watching, and 

^ This was the Rev. Peter Bulkeley, who with Major Simon Willard now 
founded the first town beyond tide-water, Concord. Bulkeley came from Bed- 
fordshire, a youth of good family, a fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, and 
later married to a gentlewoman whose nephew was Thomas Allen, lord mayor of 
London. Late in life, a second wife was daughter of Sir Richard Chitwood. 
In the well-placed Puritan families, alHance with the ministers was held desirable 
and honorable. Bulkeley, though of quick temper, was greatly respected, and 
from his ample estate was liberal to Harvard College and to his indentured ser- 
vants. The founders of Concord were twelve families who seem to have followed 
Simon Willard from Kent. R was an excellent stock, the names of the settlers 
appearing and reappearing in historical and literary connections down to the 
present moment. Cotton Mather, Magnolia, part ii., ch. x., compares Bulkeley 
to Farel, the Genevan divine, quo nemo tonuit fortius, than whom no one thun- 
dered louder. 


would say, that he saw such and such come to give him meat, 

The Plymouth men had hired the Great Hope, to go to dis- 
plant the French, and regain their possession at Penobscott. 
The master, Mr. Girling, was to have for it £200. They 
sent their bark with him and about twenty men; but when 
they came, they found the French had notice, and had so 
strongly intrenched themselves, (being eighteen,) as, having 
spent near all their powder and shot, the bark left the ship 
there, and came here to advise with us what further to do; 
for they had lately lost another bark laden with corn, and 
could not spare this to send back again. The general court, 
being assembled, agreed to aid them with men and muni- 
tion, and therefore wrote to them to send one with commission 
to treat with us about it, resolving to drive them out, whatso- 
ever it should cost, (yet first to put them to bear the charge, 
if it might be ;) for we saw that their neighborhood would be 
very dangerous to us.^ 

The next week they sent Mr. Prence and Capt. Standish 
to us, with commission to treat. Four of the commissioners 
gave them a meeting, which grew to this issue, — that they 
refused to deal further in it, otherwise than as a common 
cause of the whole country, and so to contribute their part. 
We refused to deal in it, otherwise than as in their aid, and so 
at their charge; for indeed we had then no money in the 
treasury, neither could we get provision of victuals, on the 
sudden, for one hundred men, which were to be employed. So 
we deferred all to further counsel.' 

Mo. 8. {October) 6.] Two shallops, going laden with goods 

^ The episode is graphically described in the " Voyages of David Pieterszoon 
de Vries"; see Collections of the New York Historical Society, second series, iii. 
75. The boat's crew belonged to de Vries's ship. 

» See Bradford, pp. 319-321. 

' The pressure from the French had a certain good effect in causing the 
English colonies to stand closely together. The Dutch, though looked on with 
jealousy, were, as Protestants, less objectionable than the Catholic neighbors. 


to Connecticut, were taken in the night with an easterly storm, 
and cast away upon Brown's Island, near the Gurnett's Nose, 
and the men all drowned/ 

Here arrived two great ships, the Defence and the Abigail, 
with Mr. Wilson, pastor of Boston, Mr. Shepard, Mr. Jones, 
and other ministers ; amongst others, Mr. Peter, pastor of the 
English church in Rotterdam, who, being persecuted by the 
English ambassador, — who would have brought his and other 
churches to the English discipline, — and not having had his 
health these many years, intended to advise with the ministers 
here about his removal.^ 

' The island has nearly disappeared, a dangerous shoal remaining, on which 
from Burial Hill in Plymouth, one to-day may see the surf beating. 

* These were important arrivals, the freight of the two ships counting for 
much, and several of the personages on board surpassing in consequence all but 
two or three of their predecessors. Thomas Shepard, of Emmanuel College, 
Cambridge, soon took the place of Hooker at Newtown, and was a light of es- 
pecial brilliancy. Though but thirty years old he soon made a great name, 
dying, however, in his prime before his usefulness was fully rounded. Wilson 
always affected powerfully his environment, and the younger John Winthrop was 
only inferior to his father as a state-founder. No man was more profoundly 
involved in the currents of this troubled time, as well in Europe as in America, 
than the Rev. Hugh Peter, or Peters. He landed in Boston, a man of thirty- 
seven, already widely experienced and distinguished. A boy from Cornwall he 
came to Trinity College, Cambridge, and at once after attaining maturity became 
a famous preacher, drawing great crowds at St. Sepulchre's, in London. He 
went to Germany in the Thirty Years' War to see Gustavus Adolphus and 
afterward settled at Rotterdam as friend and successor of Dr. William Ames, a 
Puritan worthy of the first rank. Adopting the principles of the Independents, 
he at last sought New England, his steps thitherward being hastened perhaps 
by the fact that through his wife he was allied with the Winthrops. From the 
first he played a leading part, helping the colony more through an energetic 
pushing of practical schemes — fisheries, ship-building, trade enterprises — than by 
his professional ministrations. In the church his spirit was less liberal than it 
afterward became among different surroundings. Particular acts of his may be 
disapproved, but on the whole the colony was much the better from his being 
in it. After his return to England in 1641, his life became in the highest degree 
eventful. He threw himself as an Independent into the Civil War, showing 
surpassing power as a preacher, but using his practical ability and narrative 
skill in the most varied ways. Fairfax and Cromwell valued his counsel and 
used his executive ability. He was the especial b7te noire of the cavaliers and 
Presbyterians, who regarded him as a character almost infernal. Yet to indi- 
vidual opponents he often showed great kindness, and did much to ameliorate 
the horrors of war. Through clouds of unmeasured abuse, we at this distance 


The special goodness of the Lord appeared in this, that 
the passengers came safe and hale in all [the] ships, though 
some of them long passages, — the Abigail ten weeks from 
Plymouth, with two hundred and twenty persons, and many 
cattle, infected also with the small pox; yet, etc. There 
came also John Winthrop, the younger, with commission 
from the Lord Say, Lord Brook, and divers other great per- 
sons in England, to begin a plantation at Connecticut, and 
to be governor there. They sent also men and ammunition, 
and £2000 in money, to begin a fortification at the mouth of 
the river. 

Here came also one Mr. Henry Vane,* son and heir to Sir 

can make out a figure beset with limitations, but endowed with large ability, 
intense zeal and sincerity, who strove to good purpose for worthy ends. At the 
Restoration he was a particular mark for vengeance, it being alleged that he 
and Cornet Joyce were the masked headsmen who did duty on the scaffold at 
the execution of Charles I. This he denied, and also many other accusations; 
the prosecution was pitiless, and he perished in 1660 through unspeakable humil- 
iation and torture. Firth, in the Dictionary of National Biography, s. v. 

^ Henry Vane, for his abilities, his heroic life and death, his services to 
Anglo-Saxon freedom, which make him a significant figure even to the present 
moment, may well be regarded as the most illustrious character who touches 
early New England history. While his personal contact with America was only 
for a brief space, his life became a strenuous upholding of American ideas: if 
government of, by, and for the people is the principle which English-speaking 
men feel especially bound to maintain, the life and death of Vane contributed 
powerfully to cause this idea to prevail. He was born in 1612, of an ancient 
lineage, his father being famed as a diplomatist and statesman, a courtier favored 
by both king and queen. Though Vane was scarcely beyond boyhood, he had 
travelled widely in Europe, seen much of great men and events, and shown 
independence of character by embracing austere Puritanism, thus sacrificing his 
prospects and incurring the displeasure of friends. His course in New England, 
which Winthrop will describe, though showing boyish indiscretion and short- 
coming, is prophetic of great things both as to his force and high purpose. Re- 
turning to England after less than two years' stay, he becomes the friend of Pym, 
Hampden, Milton and Cromwell, and in due time, as his adversary Baxter puts 
it, became "within the Long Parliament that which Cromwell was without," 
the recognized leader. Republican ideas sprang up first among the rank and 
file of the victorious Ironsides, but Vane embraced them in due time, striving in 
the forefront for popular government during the era of the Commonwealth. 
Long the warm friend of Cromwell, he parted from Cromwell when the latter at 
last despaired of popular government. He sought for England not freedom 
alone but order as well, maintaining in The Healing Question that by a people's 


Henry Vane, comptroller of the king's house, who, being a 
young gentleman of excellent parts, and had been employed by 
his father (when he was ambassador) in foreign affairs; yet, 
being called to the obedience of the gospel, forsook the honors 
and preferments of the court, to enjoy the ordinances of Christ 
in their purity here. His father, being very averse to this way, 
(as no way savoring the power of religion,) would hardly have 
consented to his coming hither, but that, acquainting the 
king with his son's disposition and desire, he commanded him to 
send him hither, and gave him Hcense for three years' stay here. 

This noble gentleman, having order from the said lords and 
others, treated with the magistrates here, and those who were 
to go to Connecticut, about the said design of the lords, to this 
issue, — that either the three towns gone thither should give 
place, upon full satisfaction, or else sufficient room must be 
found there for the lords and their companions, etc., or else 
they would divert their thoughts and preparations some other 

November 1.] Mr. Vane was admitted a member of the 
church of Boston. 

October.] At this general court, Mr. WilHams, the teacher 
at Salem, was again convented, and all the ministers in the 
bay being desired to be present, he was charged with the said 
two letters, — that to the churches, complaining of the magis- 
trates for injustice, extreme oppression, etc., and the other 
to his own church, to persuade them to renounce communion 
with all the churches in the bay, as full of antichristian pollu- 
tion, etc. He justified both these letters, and maintained 
all his opinions; and, being offered further conference or dis- 
putation, and a month's respite, he chose to dispute presently. 

convention "fundamentals" should be laid down for the guidance and restraint 
of the law-makers — a written constitution therefore framed according to the 
American idea. He went down fighting to the last in a struggle that was prema- 
ture, sealing his faith by martyrdom in 1662. See Firth, in the Dictionary of 
National Biography, and lives of Vane by Sikes, Upham, Forster, Ireland, and 


So Mr. Hooker was appointed to dispute with him, but could 
not reduce him from any of his errors. So, the next morning, 
the court sentenced him to depart out of our jurisdiction within 
six weeks, all the ministers, save one, approving the sentence; 
and his own church had him under question also for the same 
cause; and he, at his return home, refused communion with 
his own church, who openly disclaimed his errors, and wrote 
an humble submission to the magistrates, acknowledging their 
fault in joining with Mr. WiUiams in that letter to the churches 
against them, etc. 

15.] About sixty men, women, and little children, went by 
land toward Connecticut with their cows, horses, and swine, 
and, after a tedious and difficult journey, arrived safe there. 

The pinnace, which Sir Richard Saltonstall sent to take pos- 
session of a great quantity of land at Connecticut, was, in her 
return into England, cast away upon the Isle Sable. The men 
were kindly entertained by the French there, and had passage 
to Le Havre, some twenty leagues east of Cape Sable, where 
Monsieur commander of Roselle^ was governor, who enter- 
tained them very courteously, and furnished them with a shal- 
lop to return to us, and gave four of their company passage into 
France, but made them pay dear for their shallop ; and in their 
return, they put into Penobscot, at such time as Girling's 
ship lay there ; so that they were kept prisoners there till the 
ship was gone, and then sent to us with a courteous letter to 
our governor. A little before, our governor had written to 
him, (viz. Mons. D'Aulnay,) to send them home to us; but 
they were come before. 

It is useful to observe, as we go along, such especial provi- 
dences of God as were manifested for the good of these planta- 

Mr. Winslow, the late governor of Plymouth, being this 

^ The Chevalier Rasilly was chief governor of Acadia, La Tour and d'Aulnay, 
already mentioned, being his subordinates. Winsor, Memorial History of 
Boston, I. 283. 


year in England, petitioned the council there for a commission 
to withstand the intrusions of the French and Dutch, which 
was hkely to take effect, (though undertaken by ill advice, for 
such precedents might endanger oui liberty, that we should do 
nothing hereafter but by commission out of England ;) but the 
archbishops, being incensed against him, as against all these 
plantations, informed the rest, that he was a separatist, etc., 
and that he did marry, etc., and thereupon gate him com- 
mitted ; but, after some few months, he petitioned the board, 
and was discharged. 

Another providence was in the voyage of Mr. Winthrop, the 
younger, and Mr. Wilson into England, who, returning in the 
winter time, in a small and weak ship, bound for Barnstaple, 
were driven by foul weather upon the coast of Ireland, not 
known by any in the ship, and were brought, through many 
desperate dangers, into Galloway, where they parted, Mr. 
Winthrop taking his journey over land to Dublin, and Mr. 
Wilson by sea, and being come within sight of Lundy, in the 
mouth of Severn, they were forced back by tempest to Kinsale, 
where some ships perished in their view. Mr. Wilson, being 
in Ireland, gave much satisfaction to the Christians there 
about New England. 

Mr. Winthrop went to Dublin, and from thence to Antrim in 
the north, and came to the house of one Sir John Clotworthy,* 
the evening before the day when divers godly persons were 
appointed to meet at his house, to confer about their voyage to 
New England, by whom they were thoroughly informed of all 
things, and received great encouragement to proceed on in their 
intended course. From thence he passed over into Scotland, 
and so through the north of England ; and all the way he met 
with persons of quality, whose thoughts were towards New 
England, who observed his coming among them as a special 
providence of God. 

• Sir John Clotworthy became eminent later as a member of the Long 


November 3.] At the court of assistants, John Pratt of 
Newtown was questioned about the letter he wrote into Eng- 
land, wherein he affirmed divers things, which were untrue and 
of ill report, for the state of the country, as that here was noth- 
ing but rocks, and sands, and salt marshes, etc. He desired 
respite for his answer to the next morning ; then he gave it in 
writing, in which, by making his own interpretation of some 
passages, and acknowledging his error in others, he gave satis- 
faction. This was delivered in imder his own hand, and the 
hands of Mr. Hooker and some of the ministers, and satisfac- 
tion acknowledged under the hands of the magistrates. 

Mr. Winthrop, jun., the governor appointed by the lords 
for Connecticut, sent a bark of thirty tons, and about twenty 
men, with all needful provisions, to take possession of the 
mouth of Connecticut, and to begin some building. 

9.] About this time an open pinnace, returning from Con- 
necticut, was cast away in Manemett Bay; but all the men 
(being six) were saved, and came to Plymouth, after they had 
wandered ten days in extreme cold and deep snow, not meeting 
with any Indian or other person. 

26.] There came twelve men from Connecticut. They had 
been ten days upon their journey, and had lost one of their 
company, drowned in the ice by the way; and had been all 
starved, but that, by God's providence, they lighted upon an 
Indian wigwam. Connecticut River was frozen up the 15th of 
this month. 

Mr. Hugh Peter, preaching at Boston and Salem, moved the 
country to raise a stock for fishing, as the only probable means 
to free us from that oppression, which the seamen and others 
held us under. 

28.] Here arrived a small Norsey bark, of twenty-five 
tons, sent by the Lords Say, etc., with one Gardiner,^ an 

^ This was Lyon Gardiner, builder and commander of the fort at Saybrook 
at the mouth of the Connecticut, during the Pequot war. He was brave and 
intelligent. Work base is the Dutch werkbaas, engineer (work-boss). 


expert engineer or work base, and provisions of all sorts, 
to begin a fort at the mouth of Connecticut. She came through 
many great tempests ; yet, through the Lord's great providence, 
her passengers, twelve men, two women and goods, all safe. 
Mr. Winthrop had sent, four days before, a bark, with car- 
penters and other workmen, to take possession of the place, 
(for the Dutch intended to take it,) and to raise some build- 

A great shallop, coming from Pascataquack in a N. E. wind 
with snow, lost her way, and was forced into Anasquam; 
and going out with a N. W. wind, through the unskilfulness 
of the men, was cast upon the rocks, and lost £100 worth of 

A shallop of William Lovell, laden with goods to Salem, 
worth £100, was, by foul weather, put into Plymouth, and, 
coming out, the men went aboard a small bark by the way, 
and their shallop brake loose and was lost, and, about two 
months after, was found about Nawset,^ not much hurt, and 
the goods were, most of them, saved by some Plymouth men, 
who had notice of it by the Indians. 

lOber, (December) 10.] The ship Rebecka, about sixty 
tons, came from Connecticut, and brought in her about seventy 
men and women, which came down to the river's mouth to 
meet the barks which should have brought their provisions; 
but, not meeting them, they went aboard the Rebecka, which, 
two days before, was frozen twenty miles up the river, but a 
small rain falling set her free; but coming out, she ran on 
ground at the mouth of the river, and was forced to unlade. 
They came to Massachusetts in five days, which was a great 
mercy of God, for otherwise they had all perished with famine, 
as some did. 

While the Rebecka lay there, the Dutch sent a sloop to 
take possession of the mouth of the river; but our men gate 
two pieces on shore, and would not suffer them to land. 

* Eastham. 


The 2d and 3d of this month fell a snow about knee deep, 
with much wind from the N. and N. E. 

Mr. Norton/ a godly man, and a preacher in England, 
coming with his family to the Massachusetts, the ship, wherein 
he was, was by contrary winds put into Plymouth, where he 
continued preaching to them all the winter ; and although Mr. 
Smith, their pastor, gave over his place, that he might have it, 
and the church used him with all respect, and large offers, etc., 
yet he left them and came to Massachusetts, alleging that his 
spirit could not close with them, etc. 

^ John Norton, from Hertfordshire, after the usual shaping at Cambridge, 
emerged into non-conformity, and now at twenty-nine, with a reputation for 
good parts, appeared in America. He became teacher at Ipswich, and during 
Winthrop's Hfe makes no great figure in affairs. On Cotton's death he became 
his successor, which some hold to have been unfortunate on account of the fierce 
fanaticism with which he prosecuted Quakers and Baptists. (Brooks Adams, 
Emancipation of Massachusetts, pp. 102 et seqq.) At the Restoration, the colony 
sent him with Simon Bradstreet to England to make peace with Charles H. 
Naturally the representatives of a colony so well known for its sympathy with 
the lost cause underwent hardship and contumely, which perhaps contributed 
to Norton's death in 1663. 


11 mo. January.] The governor and assistants met at 
Boston to consider about Mr. Williams, for that they were 
credibly informed, that, notwithstanding the injunction laid 
upon him (upon the liberty granted him to stay till the spring) 
not to go about to draw others to his opinions, he did use to 
entertain company in his house, and to preach to them, even of 
such points as he had been censured for ; and it was agreed to 
send him into England by a ship then ready to depart. The 
reason was, because he had drawn above twenty persons to his 
opinion, and they were intended to erect a plantation about 
the Naragansett Bay, from whence the infection would easily 
spread into these churches, (the people being, many of them, 
much taken with the apprehension of his godhness). Wliere- 
upon a warrant was sent to him to come presently to Boston, 
to be shipped, etc. He returned answer, (and divers of 
Salem came with it,) that he could not come without hazard of 
his life, etc. Whereupon a pinnace was sent with commission 
to Capt. Underhill, etc., to apprehend him, and carry him 
aboard the ship, (which then rode at Natascutt;) but, when 
they came at his house, they found he had been gone three 
days before; but whither they could not learn. 

He had so far prevailed at Salem, as many there (especially 
of devout women) did embrace his opinions, and separated 
from the churches, for this cause, that some of their members, 
going into England, did hear the ministers there, and when they 
came home the churches here held communion with them. 

This month one went by land to Connecticut, and returned 

Mr. Hugh Peter went from place to place laboring, both 
publicly and privately, to raise up men to a public frame of 



spirit, and so prevailed, as he procured a good sum of money 
to be raised to set on foot the fishing business, to the value of 
[blank,] and wrote into England to raise as much more. The 
intent was to set up a magazine of all provisions and other 
necessaries for fishing, that men might have things at hand, 
and for reasonable prices; whereas now the merchants and 
seamen took advantage to sell at most excessive rates, (in 
many things two for one, etc.) 

Mr. Batchellor of Sagus was convented before the magis- 
trates. The cause was, for that, coming out of England with 
a small body of six or seven persons, and having since received 
in many more at Sagus, and contention growing between him 
and the greatest part of his church, (who had, with the rest, 
received him for their pastor,) he desired dismission for himself 
and his first members, which being granted, upon supposition 
that he would leave the town, (as he had given out,) he with the 
said six or seven persons presently renewed their old covenant, 
intending to raise another church in Sagus; whereat the 
most and chief of the town being offended, for that it would 
cross their intentions of calling Mr. Peter or some other minis- 
ter, they complained to the magistrates, who, foreseeing the 
distraction which was hke to come by this course, had for- 
bidden him to proceed in any such church way, until the cause 
were considered by the other ministers, etc. But he refused 
to desist. Whereupon they sent for him, and upon his delay, 
day after day, the marshal was sent to fetch him. Upon his 
appearance and submission, and promise to remove out of 
the town within three months, he was discharged. 

18.] Mr. Vane* and Mr. Peter, finding some distraction in 
the commonwealth, arising from some difference in judgment, 
and withal some alienation of affection among the magistrates 

^ The deference shown Vane at his coming partook almost of infatuation, 
and was due no doubt to his wealth and high connections, and in some measure, 
too, to the remarkable character which he manifested even as a youth. It was 
certainly presumptuous that, young and inexperienced as he was, he should have 
set himself up to be an arbiter in the disputes of the fathers and founders. 


and some other persons of quality, and that hereby factions 
began to grow among the people, some adhering more to the 
old governor, Mr. Winthrop, and others to the late governor, 
Mr. Dudley, — the former carrying matters with more lenity, 
and the latter with more severity, — they procured a meeting, 
at Boston, of the governor, deputy, Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, 
Mr. Wilson, and there was present Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, 
and themselves; where, after the Lord had been sought, Mr. 
Vane declared the occasion of this meeting, (as is before noted,) 
and the fruit aimed at, viz. a more firm and friendly uniting of 
minds, etc., especially of the said Mr. Dudley and Mr. Winthrop, 
as those upon whom the weight of the affairs did lie, etc., and 
therefore desired all present to take up a resolution to deal 
freely and openly with the parties, and they each with other, 
that nothing might be left in their breasts, which might break 
out to any jar or difference hereafter, (which they promised to 
do). Then Mr. Winthrop spake to this effect: that when it 
pleased Mr. Vane to acquaint him with what he had observed, 
of the dispositions of men's minds inclining to the said faction, 
etc., it was very strange to him, professing solemnly that he 
knew not of any breach between his brother Dudley and him- 
self, since they were reconciled long since, neither did he suspect 
any aUenation of affection in him or others from himself, save 
that, of late, he had observed, that some new comers had es- 
tranged themselves from him, since they went to dwell at 
Newtown; and so desired all the company, that, if they had 
seen any thing amiss in his government or otherwise, they would 
deal freely and faithfully with him, and for his part he promised 
to take it in good part, and would endeavor, by God's grace, 
to amend it. Then Mr. Dudley spake to this effect: that for 
his part he came thither a mere patient, not vnth any intent 
to charge his brother Winthrop with any thing; for though 
there had been formerly some differences and breaches between 
them, yet they had been healed, and, for his part, he was not 
willing to renew them again; and so left it to others to utter 


their own complaints. Whereupon the governor, Mr. Haynes, 
spake to this effect : that Mr. Winthrop and himself had been 
always in good terms, etc. ; therefore he was loath to give any 
offence to him, and he hoped that, considering what the end 
of this meeting was, he would take it in good part, if he did 
deal openly and freely, as his manner ever was. Then he spake 
of one or two passages, wherein he conceived, that [he] dealt 
too remissly in point of justice; to which Mr. Winthrop an- 
swered, that his speeches and carriage had been in part mis- 
taken ; but withal professed, that it was his judgment, that in 
the infancy of plantation, justice should be administered with 
more lenity than in a settled state, because people were then 
more apt to transgress, partly of ignorance of new laws and 
orders, partly through oppression of business and other straits ; 
but, if it might be made clear to him, that it was an error, he 
would be ready to take up a stricter course. Then the ministers 
were desired to consider of the question by the next morning, 
and to set down a rule in the case. The next morning, they 
dehvered their several reasons, which all sorted to this con- 
clusion, that strict discipline, both in criminal offences and in 
martial affairs, was more needful in plantations than in a settled 
state, as tending to the honor and safety of the gospel. Where- 
upon Mr. Winthrop acknowledged that he was convinced, that 
he had failed in over much lenity and remissness, and would 
endeavor (by God's assistance) to take a more strict course 
hereafter. Whereupon there was a renewal of love amongst 
them, and articles drawn to this effect: — 

1. That there should be more strictness used in civil 
government and mihtary discipline. 

2. That the magistrates should (as far as might be) ripen 
their consultations beforehand, that their vote in pubhc might 
bear (as the voice of God). 

3. That, in meetings out of court, the magistrates should 
not discuss the business of parties in their presence, nor deliver 
their opinions, etc. 


4. That trivial things, etc., should be ended in towns, etc. 

5. If differences fall out among them in pubHc meetings, 
they shall observe these rules: — 

1. Not to touch any person differing, but speak to the 

2. To express their difference in all modesty and due re- 
spect to the court and such as differ, etc. 

3. Or to propound their difference by way of question. 

4. Or to desire a deferring of the cause to further time. 

5. After sentence, (if all have agreed,) none shall intimate 
his dislike privately ; or, if one dissent, he shall sit down, with- 
out showing any further distaste, pubHcly or privately. 

6. The magistrates shall be more familiar and open each 
to other, and more frequent in visitations, and shall, in tender- 
ness and love, admonish one another, (without reserving any 
secret grudge,) and shall avoid all jealousies and suspicions, 
each seeking the honor of another, and all, of the court, not 
opening the nakedness of one another to private persons; in 
all things seeking the safety and credit of the gospel. 

7. To honor the governor in submitting to him the main 
direction and ordering the business of the court. 

8. One assistant shall not seem to gratify any man in 
undoing or crossing another's proceedings, without due advice 
with him. 

9. They shall grace and strengthen their under officers in 
their places, etc. 

10. All contempts against the court, or any of the magis- 
trates, shall be specially noted and punished ; and the magis- 
trates shall appear more solemnly in public, with attendance, 
apparel, and open notice of their entrance into the court.* 

1 "Though several principles of sound policy were established, the general 
result of this conference must, I think, be regretted. When the administration 
of Winthrop was impeached by Gov. Haynes for too great lenity, it seems natural 
that such severe tempers as Dudley, and Vane, and Peter, should unite in the 
attack; and as the rest of the clergy probably agreed with their ardent brother 
Peter, the maxims of the first governor of the colony would be overruled; but 


Mo. 12. {February) 1.] Mr. Shepherd, a godly minister, 
come lately out of England, and divers other good Christians, 
intending to raise a church body, came and acquainted the 
magistrates therewith, who gave their approbation. They 
also sent to all the neighboring churches for their elders to give 
their assistance, at a certain day, at Newtown, when they 
should constitute their body. Accordingly, at this day, there 
met a great assembly, where the proceeding was as followeth: 

Mr. Shepherd and two others (who were after to be chosen 
to office) sate together in the elder's seat. Then the elder of 
them began with prayer. After this, Mr. Shepherd prayed 
with deep confession of sin, etc., and exercised out of Eph. v. — 
that he might make it to himself a holy, etc. ; and also opened 
the cause of their meeting, etc. Then the elder desired to 
know of the churches assembled, what number were needful 
to make a church, and how they ought to proceed in this 
action. Whereupon some of the ancient ministers, conferring 
shortly together, gave answer : That the scripture did not set 
down any certain rule for the number. Three (they thought) 
were too few, because by Matt, xviii. an appeal was allowed 
from three; but that seven might be a fit number. And, for 
their proceeding, they advised, that such as were to join should 
make confession of their faith, and declare what work of grace 
the Lord had wrought in them; which accordingly they did, 
Mr. Shepherd first, then four others, then the elder, and one 
who was to be deacon, (who had also prayed,) and another 
member. Then the covenant was read, and they all gave a 
solemn assent to it. Then the elder desired of the churches, 
that, if they did approve them to be a church, they would give 

when their united influence was strong enough to compel him to acknowledge 
his remissness in discipline, we are bound, as in our early history we often are, 
to lament the undue dictation of the church. It should be remembered, that 
Haynes and Hooker were, at this very time, preparing to establish themselves 
as the Moses and Aaron of a new plantation; and they might decently have left 
Massachusetts to be governed by rules, which, though not always observed, had 
been found beneficial by the earlier inhabitants." (Savage.) 


them the right hand of fellowship. Whereupon Mr. Cotton, 
(upon short speech with some others near him,) in the name of 
their churches, gave his hand to the elder, with a short speech 
of their assent, and desired the peace of the Lord Jesus to be 
with them. Then Mr. Shepherd made an exhortation to the 
rest of his body, about the nature of their covenant, and to 
stand firm to it, and commended them to the Lord in a most 
heavenly prayer. Then the elder told the assembly, that they 
were intended to choose Mr. Shepherd for their pastor, (by the 
name of the brother who had exercised,) and desired the 
churches, that, if they had any thing to except against him, 
they would impart it to them before the day of ordination. 
Then he gave the churches thanks for their assistance, and so 
left them to the Lord.^ 

At the last general court, it was referred to the military 
commissioners to appoint colors for every company; who did 
accordingly, and left out the cross in all of them, appointing 
the king's arms to be put into that of Castle Island,^ and 
Boston to be the first company. 

3.] Mr. John Maverick, teacher of the church of Dor- 
chester, died, being near sixty years of age. He was a 
[blank] man of a very humble spirit, and faithful in furthering 
the work of the Lord here, both in the churches and civil 

24.] Mr. Winslow of Pl3Tiiouth came to treat with those 
of Dorchester about their land at Connecticut, which they had 
taken from them. It being doubtful whether that place were 
within our patent or not, the Plymouth men, about three years 
since, had treaty with us about joining in erecting a planta- 

* Since the former church in Newtown was now removing in its corporate 
capacity to Connecticut, a new one must be formed. The elaborate detail shows 
that Congregationalism was completely developed, the usages of the Church of 
England, in which the elders were bred, being entirely cast off. 

' The spirit of Endicott prevailed as regards the idolatrous emblem; though 
a few years later, when it was found the Parliamentary army in England retained 
the cross, it was restored in the colony. 


tion and trade there. We thought not fit to do any thing 
then, but gave them leave to go on. Whereupon they bought 
a portion of land of the Indians, and built a house there, and 
the Dorchester men (without their leave) were now setting 
down their town in the same place ; but, after, they desired to 
agree with them; for which end Mr. Winslow came to treat 
with them, and demanded one sixteenth part of their lands, 
and £100, which those of Dorchester not consenting unto, they 
brake off, those of Plymouth expecting to have due recom- 
pense after, by course of justice, if they went on. But divers 
resolved to quit the place, if they could not agree with those 
of Plymouth.^ 

25.] The distractions about the churches of Salem and 
Sagus, and the removal of other churches, and the great 
scarcity of com, etc., occasioned a general fast to [be] pro- 
claimed, which, because the court was not at hand, was 
moved by the elders of the churches, and assented unto by 
the ministers. The church of Boston renewed their covenant 
this day, and made a large explanation of that which they 
had first entered into, and acknowledged such failings as had 
fallen out, etc. 

Mo. 1. {March) 8.] A man's servant in Boston, having 
stolen from his master, and being threatened to be brought 
before the magistrates, went and hanged himself. Herein 
three things were observable: 1. That he was a very profane 
fellow, given to cursing, etc., and did use to [go] out of the 
assembly, upon the Lord's day, to rob his master. 2. The 
manner of his death, being with a small codline, and his knees 
touching the floor of the chamber, and one coming in when he 
was scarce dead, (who was a maid, and while she went to call 
out, etc., he was past recovery). 3. His discontent, arising 
from the long time he was to serve his master, (though he were 
well used). The same day came a letter from his father, out 
of the Bermuda, with money to buy out his time, etc. 

1 See Bradford, in this series, p. 327. 


The Rehecka came from Bermuda with thirty thousand 
weight of potatoes, and store of oranges and Hmes, which 
were a great rehef to our people; but their corn was sold to 
the West Indies three months before. Potatoes were bought 
there for two shilhngs and eight pence the bushel, and sold 
here for two pence the pound. 

11.] Some occasions of difference had fallen out between 
the church of Charlton and Mr. James, their pastor. The 
teacher, Mr. Simmes, and the most of the brethren, had taken 
offence at divers speeches of his, (he being a very melancholick 
man, and full of causeless jealousies, etc.,) for which they had 
dealt with him, both privately and publicly; but, receiving no 
satisfaction, they wrote to all the neighboring churches for 
their advice and help in the case, who, sending chosen men, 
(most elders,) they met there this day, and finding the pastor 
very faulty, yet because they had not proceeded with him in a 
due order, — for of the two witnesses produced, one was the 
accuser, — they advised, that, if they could not comfortably 
close, himself and such as stood on his part, (if they would,) 
should desire dismission, which should be granted them, for 
avoiding extremities; but if he persisted, etc., the church 
should cast him out. 

30.] Mr. Allerton returned in his pinnace from the French 
at Penobscott. His bark was cast upon an island, and beat 
out her keel, and so lay ten days ; yet he gate help from Pema- 
quid, and mended her, and brought her home. 

Mr. Wither, in a vessel of fifty tons, going to Virginia, was 
cast away upon Long Island with a W. N. W. wind. The 
company (being about thirty) were, most of them, very profane 
persons, and in their voyage did much reproach our colony, 
vowing they would hang, drown, or, etc., before they would 
come hither again. Seven were drowned in landing; some 
gate in a small boat to the Dutch plantation ; two were killed 
by the Indians, who took all such goods as they left on shore. 
Those who escaped, went towards Virginia in a Dutch bark, 


and were never heard of after ; but were thought to be wrecked, 
by some Dutch pails, etc., which were found by the Indians 

Mo. 2. {April) 1.] Mr. Mather^ and others, of Dorchester, 
intending to begin a new church there, (a great part of the old 
one being gone to Connecticut,) desired the approbation of 
the other churches and of the magistrates; and, accordingly, 
they assembled this day, and, after some of them had given 
proof of their gifts, they made confession of their faith, which 
was approved of; but proceeding to manifest the work of 
God's grace in themselves, the churches, by their elders, and 
the magistrates, etc., thought them not meet, at present, to be 
the foundation of a church ; and thereupon they were content 
to forbear to join till further consideration. The reason was, 
for that most of them (Mr. Mather and one more excepted) 
had builded their comfort of salvation upon unsound grounds, 
viz., some upon dreams and ravishes of spirit by fits; others 
upon the reformation of their fives; others upon duties and 
performances, etc.; wherein they discovered three special er- 
rors: 1. That they had not come to hate sin, because it was 
filthy, but only left it, because it was hurtful. 2. That, by 
reason of this, they had never truly closed with Christ, (or 
rather Christ with them,) but had made use of him only to 
help the imperfection of their sanctification and duties, and not 
made him their sanctification, wisdom, etc. 3. They expected 

^Though in general the reader finds Savage's genealogies quite too par- 
ticular, the Mather family in Massachusetts was so famous that space may prop- 
erly be taken to describe it. He says: "This was the father of Increase Mather, 
president of Harvard College, who was father of the more celebrated Cotton 
Mather, a name that will forever be perpetuated, while the strange contents of 
the Magnolia, in which are equally striking his voracious appetite and ill digestion 
of learning, excite the curiosity of antiquaries. Three other sons of Richard, 
the gentleman named in our text, were clergymen, as also a great grandson, who 
was a minister in Boston. Richard and his wife, Katharine, were received into 
Boston church 25 October preceding. He married, in his old age, the widow of 
the great Cotton, and his son. Increase, married a daughter, whence the author 
of the Magnalia obtained his name of baptism." 


to believe by some power of their own, and not only and wholly 
from Christ. 

Those of Dorchester, who had removed their cattle to Con- 
necticut before winter, lost the greatest part of them this 
winter ; yet some, which came late, and could not be put over 
the river, hved very well all the winter without any hay. The 
people also were put to great straits for want of provisions. 
They eat acorns, and malt, and grains. They lost near £2000 
worth of cattle. 

7.] At a general court it was ordered, that a certain num- 
ber of the magistrates should be chosen for life; (the reason 
was, for that it was showed from the word of God, etc., that the 
principal magistrates ought to be for Hf e) . Accordingly, the 25th 
of the 3d mo. John Winthrop and Thomas Dudley were chosen 
to this place, and Heniy Vane, by his place of governor, was 
president of this council for his year.^ It was hkewise ordered, 
that quarter courts should be kept in several places for ease of 
the people, and, in regard of the scarcity of victuals, the remote 
towns should send their votes by proxy to the court of elec- 
tions; and that no church, etc., should be allowed, etc., that was 
gathered without consent of the churches and the magistrates. 

Mr. Benjamin's house burnt, and £100 in goods lost. 

12.] The Chanty, of Dartmouth, of one hundred and 
twenty tons, arrived here, laden with provisions. She came 
in with a strong N. W. wind, and was in great danger to have 
been lost between Allerton Point and Natascott ; but the Lord, 
in mercy to his people, deUvered her, after she had struck 
twice, and upon the ebb. Mr. Peter bought all the provisions 
at fifty in the hundred, (which saved the country £200,) and 
distributed them to all the towns, as each town needed.^ 

^This council for life lasted for three years only, it being found to excite 
popular jealousy against the magistrates. It seems to have been constituted in 
the hope of tempting over some of the peers, or gentry likely to become peers. 
The members of such a council were assured a place of dignity. 

' An instance of Hugh Peter's fine spirit of practical benevolence. 


The church of Salem was still infected with Mr. Williams 
his opinions, so as most of them held it unlawful to hear in the 
ordinary assembUes in England, because their foundation was 
antichristian, and we should, by hearing, hold communion with 
them; and some went so far as they were ready to separate 
from the church upon it. Whereupon the church sent two 
brethren, and a letter, to the elders of the other churches, for 
their advice in three points: 1. Whether (for satisfjdng the 
weak) they might promise not to hear in England any false 
church. This was not thought safe, because then they would 
draw them to the like towards the other churches here, who 
were all of opinion, that it was lawful, and that hearing was 
not church communion. 2. If they were not better, to grant 
them dismission to be a church by themselves. This was 
also opposed, for that it was not a remedy of God's ordering; 
neither would the magistrates allow them to be a church, being 
but three men and eight women ; and besides, it were danger- 
ous to raise churches on such grounds. 3. Whether they ought 
then to excommunicate them, if they did withdraw, etc. This 
was granted, yet, withal, that if they did not withdraw or run 
into contempt, they ought, in these matters of difference of 
opinion in things not fundamental nor scandalous, etc., to bear 
each with other. 

Mo. 3. {May) 15.] Mr. Peter, preaching at Boston, made 
an earnest request to the church for [blank] things: 1. That 
they would spare their teacher, Mr. Cotton, for a time, that he 
might go through the Bible, and raise marginal notes upon all 
the knotty places of the scriptures. 2. That a new book of 
martjTS might be made, to begin where the other had left.* 
3. That a form of church government might be drawn accord- 
ing to the scriptures. 4. That they would take order for em- 
ployment of people, (especially women and children, in the 

^ The suggestion of a continuation of Fox's Book of Martyrs is pathetic as 
coming from one whose own martyrdom twenty-four years later was so note- 


winter time ;) for he feared that idleness would be the ruin both 
of church and commonwealth. 

Here arrived a ship, called the St. Patrick, belonging to Sir 
Thomas Wentworth/ deputy of Ireland, one Palmer master. 
When she came near Castle Island, the lieutenant of the fort 
went aboard her, and made her strike her flag, which the master 
took as a great injury, and complained of it to the magistrates, 
who, calling the lieutenant before them, heard the cause, and 
declared to the master that he had no commission so to do. 
And because he had made them strike to the fort, (which had 
then no colors abroad,) they tendered the master such satis- 
faction as he desired, which was only this, that the lieutenant, 
aboard their ship, should acknowledge his error, that so all 
the ship's company might receive satisfaction, lest the lord 
deputy should have been informed, that we had offered 
that discourtesy to his ship, which we had never offered to 
any before. 

25.] Henry Vane, Esq., before mentioned, was chosen 
governor; and, because he was son and heir to a privy coun- 
sellor in England, the ships congratulated his election with 
a volley of great shot. The next week he invited all the 
masters (there were then fifteen great ships, etc.,) to dinner. 
After they had dined, he propounded three things to them: 
1. That all ships, which should come after this year, should 
come to an anchor before they came at the fort, except they 
did send their boat before, and did satisfy the commander that 
they were friends. 2. That, before they offered any goods to 
sale, they would dehver an invoice, etc., and give the governor, 
etc., twenty-four hours' liberty to refuse, etc. 3. That their 
men might not stay on shore (except upon necessary business) 
after sunset. These things they all wilHngly condescended 

31.] Mr. Hooker, pastor of the church of Newtown, and 
the most of his congregation, went to Connecticut. His wife 
* Sir Thomas Wentworth was later the great Earl of Strafford. 


was carried in a horse litter; and they drove one hundred and 
sixty cattle, and fed of their milk by the way/ 

The last winter Capt. Mason died. He was the chief mover 
in all the attempts against us, and was to have sent the general 
governor, and for this end was providing shipping; but the 
Lord, in mercy, taking him away, all the business fell on sleep, 
so as ships came and brought what and whom they would, 
without any question or control.^ 

Divers of the ships this spring, both out of the Downs and 
from Holland, came in five weeks ; and Mr. Ball his ship went 
from hence to England the 16th of January, and saw land there 
in eighteen days. 

One Miller, master's mate in the Hector, spake to some of 
our people aboard his ship, that, because we had not the king's 
colors at our fort, we were all traitors and rebels, etc. The 
governor sent for the master, Mr. Feme, and acquainted him 
with it, who promised to dehver him to us. Whereupon we 
sent the marshal and four sergeants to the ship for him, but 
the master not being aboard, they would not dehver him; 
whereupon the master went himself and brought him to the 
court, and the words being proved against him by two wit- 
nesses, he was committed. The next day the master, to 
pacify his men, who were in a great tumult, requested he might 
be delivered to him, and did undertake to bring him before us 
again the day after, which was granted him, and he brought 
him to us at the time appointed. Then, in the presence of all 
the rest of the masters, he acknowledged his offence, and set 
his hand to a submission,^ and was discharged. Then the 
governor desired the masters, that they would deal freely, and 
tell us, if they did take any offence, and what they required of 

^ Hooker's departure with the Newtown church was an epoch-making event. 
For a good account of its significance see Johnston, Connecticut, ch. iii. 

^ John Mason, patentee, under the Council for New England, of "Mari- 
ana" (1622), of New Hampshire and Maine jointly with Gorges (1622), of 
New Hamphire separately (1629), and of "Laconia" jointly with Gorges (1629). 

' For the language of Miller's submission, see Colonial Records, I. 179. 


us. They answered, that, in regard they should be examined 
upon their return, what colors they saw here, they did desire 
that the king's colors might be spread at our fort. It was 
answered, that we had not the king's colors. Thereupon two 
of them did offer them freely to us. We replied, that for our 
part we were fully persuaded, that the cross in the ensign was 
idolatrous, and therefore might not set it in our ensign; but, 
because the fort was the king's, and maintained in his name, 
we thought that his own colors might be spread there. So 
the governor accepted the colors of Capt. Palmer, and prom- 
ised they should be set up at Castle Island. We had conferred 
over night with Mr. Cotton, etc., about the point. The gover- 
nor, and Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Cotton, were of opinion, that 
they might be set up at the fort upon this distinction, that it 
was maintained in the king's name. Others, not being so 
persuaded, answered, that the governor and Mr. Dudley, being 
two of the council, and being persuaded of the lawfulness, etc., 
might use their power to set them up. Some others, being 
not so persuaded, could not join in the act, yet would not 
oppose, as being doubtful, etc. 

[June 28, 1636. The governor and John Winthrop returned a 
letter of thanks to Mr. Robert Houghton of Southwark, brewer, and 
Mr. Wm. Hiccock, etc., for ten barrels of gunpowder, which they sent 
to this colony the last year upon the motion of Captain Underbill.]^ 

Mo. 5. (July) 9.] The governor, etc., went to Salem. 

Many ships lying ready at Natascott to set sail, Mr. Peter 
went down and preached aboard the Hector, and the ships 
going forth met with an east wind, which put them in again; 
whereupon he stayed and kept the sabbath with them. 

5.] Mr. Buckly and Mr. Jones, two English ministers, ap- 
pointed this day to gather a church at Newtown, to settle at 
Concord. They sent word, three days before, to the governor 

'This passage was written by Winthrop in another part of the manuscript 
volume, but we are apparently warranted in treating it as a portion of the Journal. 


and deputy, to desire their presence; but they took it in ill 
part, and thought not fit to go, because they had not come 
to them before, (as they ought to have done, and as others had 
done before,) to acquaint them with their purpose. 

Mr. V^inthrop, jim., gave £5 towards the building of the 
meeting-house at Charlton. I sent it by James Brown. 

20.] John Gallop, with one man more, and two httle boys, 
coming from Connecticut in a bark of twenty tons, intending 
to put in at Long Island to trade, and being at the mouth of 
the harbor, were forced, by a sudden change of the wind, to 
bear up for Block Island or Fisher's Island, lying before 
Naragansett, where they espied a small pinnace, which, draw- 
ing near unto, they found to be IVIr. Oldham's (an old planter,* 
and a member of Watertown congregation, who had been 
long out a trading, having with him only two Enghsh boys, 
and two Indians of Naragansett). So they hailed him, but 
had no answer; and the deck was full of Indians, (fourteen in 
all,) and a canoe was gone from her full of Indians and goods. 
Whereupon they suspected they had killed John Oldham, and 
the rather, because the Indians let slip and set up sail, being 
two miles from shore, and the wind and tide being off the 
shore of the island, whereby they drove towards the main at 
Naragansett. Whereupon they went ahead of them, and 
having but two pieces and two pistols, and nothing but duck 
shot, they bear up near the Indians, (who stood ready armed 
with guns, pikes, and swords,) and let fly among them, and so 
galled them as they all gate under hatches. Then they stood 
off again, and returning with a good gale, they stemmed her 
upon the quarter and almost overset her, which so frightened 
the Indians, as six of them leaped overboard and were drowned. 
Yet they durst not board her, but stood off again, and fitted 
their anchor, so as, stemming her the second time, they bored 

* John Gallopp and John Oldham, heretofore described as adventurous 
sailors and traders along the coast, stand now as the prominent figures at the 
outset of the Pequot war. 


her bow through with their anchor, and so sticking fast to her, 
they made divers shot through her, (being but inch board,) 
and so raked her fore and aft, as they must needs kill or hurt 
some of the Indians; but, seeing none of them come forth, 
they gate loose from her and stood off again. Then four or 
five more of the Indians leaped into the sea, and were likewise 
drowned. So there being now but four left in her, they boarded 
her; whereupon one Indian came up and jdelded; him they 
bound and put into hold. Then another yielded, whom they 
bound. But John Gallop, being well acquainted with their 
skill to untie themselves, if two of them be together, and having 
no place to keep them asunder, he threw him bound into [the] 
sea; and, looking about, they found John Oldham under an 
old seine, stark naked, his head cleft to the brains, and his 
hand and legs cut as if they had been cutting them off, and 
yet warm. So they put him into the sea ; but could not get to 
the other two Indians, who were in a Httle room imderneath, 
with their swords. So they took the goods which were left, 
and the sails, etc., and towed the boat away; but night 
coming on, and the wind rising, they were forced to turn her 
off, and the wind carried her to the Naragansett shore. 

26.] The two Indians, which were with Mr. Oldham, and 
one other, came from Canonicus, the chief sachem of Naragan- 
sett, with a letter from Mr. WiUiams to the governor, to certi- 
fy him what had befallen Mr. Oldham, and how grievously 
they were afflicted, and that Miantunnomoh was gone, with 
seventeen canoes and two hundred men, to take revenge, 
etc. But, upon examination of the Indian who was brought 
prisoner to us, we found that all the sachems of the Naragan- 
sett, except Canonicus and Miantunnomoh, were the contrivers 
of Mr. Oldham's death ; and the occasion was, because he went 
to make peace, and trade with the Pekods last year, as is 
before related. The prisoner said also, that Mr. Oldham's 
two Indians were acquainted with it; but, because they 
were sent as messengers from Canonicus, we would not im- 


prison them. But the governor wrote back to Mr. Williams to 
let the Naragansetts know, that we expected they should send 
us the two boys, and take revenge upon the islanders; and 
withal gave Mr. WilUams a caution to look to himself, if we 
should have occasion to make war upon the Naragansetts, for 
Block Island was under them. And the next day, 27, he wrote 
to Canonicus by one of those two Indians, and that he had 
suspicion of him, etc., yet he had sent him back, because he 
was a messenger, but did expect that, if he should send for the 
said two Indians, he should send them to us to clear them- 

30.] Mr. Oldham's two boys were sent home by one of 
Miantunnomoh his men, with a letter from Mr. Williams, signi- 
fying that Miantunnomoh had caused the sachem of Niantick 
to send to Block Island for them; and that he had near one 
hundred fathom of wampom and other goods of Mr. Oldham's, 
which should be reserved for us ; and that three of the seven, 
which were drowned, were sachems; and one of the two, 
which were hired by the sachem of Niantick, was dead also. 
So we wrote back to have the rest of those, which were acces- 
sory, to be sent to us, and the rest of the goods, and that he 
should tell Canonicus and Miantunnomoh, that we held them 
innocent; but that six other under-sachems were guilty, etc. 

Mo. 6. (August) 3.] Samuel Maverick, who had been in 
Virginia near twelve months, now returned with two pinnaces, 
and brought some fourteen heifers, and about eighty goats, 
(having lost above twenty goats by the way). One of his 
pinnaces was about forty tons, of cedar, built at Barbathes,^ 
and brought to Virginia by Capt. Powell, who there dying, she 
was sold for a small matter. There died in Virginia, (by his 
relation,) this last year, above eighteen hundred, and corn 
was there at twenty shillings the bushel, the most of the people 
having lived a great time of nothing but purslain, etc. It is 
very strange, what was related by him and many others, 

* Barbadoeg, 


that, above sixty miles up James River, they dig nowhere 
but they find the ground full of oyster shells, and fishes' bones, 
etc. ; yea, he affirmed that he saw the bone of a whale taken 
out of the earth (where they digged for a well) eighteen feet 

8.] Lieutenant Edward Gibbons,^ and John Higginson, 
with Cutshamekin, the sagamore of Massachusetts, were sent 
to Canonicus to treat with him about the murder of John 
Oldham. 13. They returned, being very well accepted, and 
good success in their business. They observed in the sachem 
much state, great command over his men, and marvellous 
wisdom in his answers and the carriage of the whole treaty, 
clearing himself and his neighbors of the murder, and offering 
assistance for revenge of it, yet upon very safe and wary 

25.] The governor and coimcil, having lately assembled 
the rest of the magistrates and ministers, to advise with them 
about doing justice upon the Indians for the death of Mr. 
Oldham, and all agreeing that it should be attempted with 
expedition, did this day send forth ninety men, distributed 
to four commanders, — Capt. John Underhill, Capt. Nathaniel 
Turner, Ensign Jenyson, and Ensign Davenport; and over 
them all, as general, John Endecott, Esq., one of the assistants, 
was sent. They were embarked in three pinnaces, and carried 
two shallops and two Indians with them. They had commis- 
sion to put to death the men of Block Island, but to spare the 
women and children, and to bring them away, and to take 
possession of the island ; and from thence to go to the Pequods 
to demand the murderers of Capt. Stone and other English, and 
one thousand fathom of wampom for damages, etc., and some 
of their children as hostages, which if they should refuse, 
they were to obtain it by force. No man was impressed for 
this service, but all went voluntaries. 

26.] Miantunnomoh, sachem of Naragansett, sent a mes- 

• Gibbons rose to the rank of assistant and major-general of the forces. 


senger to us, with a letter from Mr. Williams, to signify to us, 
that they had taken one of the Indians, who had broken prison 
and was escaped away, and had him safe for us, when we 
would send for him, (we had before sent to him to that end ;) 
and the other (being also of Block Island) he had sent away, 
(not knowing, as it seemed, that he had been our prisoner,) 
according to their promise, that they would not entertain any 
of that island, which should come to them. But we conceived 
it was rather in love to him; for he had been his servant 

We sent for the two Indians. One was sent us ; the other 
was dead before the messengers came. 

A ship of one hundred and twenty tons was built at Marble- 
head, and called the Desire. 

7ber, (September) 8.] At a general court, a levy was made 
of £1200 to pay the country's debts. 

The trade of beaver and wampom was to be farmed, and all 
others restrained from trading. 

23.] A new church was gathered at Dorchester, with 
approbation of the magistrates and elders, etc. 

August 24.]^ John Endecott, Esq., and four captains under 
him, with twenty men a-piece, set sail. They arrived at Block 
Island the last of the same. The wind blowing hard at N. E. 
there went so great a surf, as they had much to do to land; 
and about forty Indians were ready upon the shore to enter- 
tain them with their arrows, which they shot oft at our men ; 
but, being armed with corslets, they had no hurt, only one 
was Hghtly hurt upon his neck, and another near his foot. 
So soon as one man leaped on shore, they all fled. The island 
is about ten miles long, and four broad, full of small hills, 
and all overgrown with brush-wood of oak, — no good timber 
in it, — so as they could not march but in one file and in the 

* This entry is put in by Winthrop out of course, a September entry having 
preceded : he no doubt desired to have in one narrative his account of Endicott's 
expedition, and goes back here to the outset of the undertaking. 


narrow paths. There were two plantations, three miles in 
sunder, and about sixty wigwams, — some very large and fair, — 
and above two hundred acres of corn, some gathered and laid 
on heaps, and the rest standing. When they had spent two 
days in searching the island, and could not find the Indians, 
they burnt their wigwams, and all their matts, and some com, 
and staved seven canoes, and departed. They could not tell 
what men they killed, but some were wounded and carried 
away by their fellows. 

Thence they went to the mouth of the Connecticut, where 
they lay wind-bound four days, and taking thence twenty men 
and two shallops, they sailed to the Pequot harbor, where an 
Indian came to them in a canoe, and demanded what they 
were, and what they would have. The general told him, 
he came from the governor of Massachusetts to speak with 
their sachems. He told him, Sassacus was gone to Long 
Island. Then he bade him go tell the other sachem, etc. So 
he departed; and in the mean time our men landed, but with 
much danger, if the Indians had made use of their advantage, 
for all the shore was high, rugged rocks, etc. Then the mes- 
senger returned, and the Indians began to gather about our 
men till there were about three hundred of them; and some 
four hours past while the messenger went to and fro, bringing 
still excuses for the sachem's not coming. At last the general 
told the messenger, and the rest of the Indians near, the 
particulars of his commission, and sent him to tell the sachem, 
that if he would not come to him, nor yield to those demands, 
he would fight with them. The messenger told him, that the 
sachem would meet him, if our men would lay down their 
arms, as his men should do their bows, etc. When the general 
saw they did but dally, to gain time, he bad them be gone, and 
shift for themselves; for they had dared the English to come 
fight with them, and now they were come for that purpose. 
Thereupon they all withdrew. Some of our men would have 
made a shot at them, but the general would not suffer them; 


but when they were gone out of musket shot, he marched after 
them, supposing they would have stood to it awhile, as they 
did to the Dutch. But they all fled, and shot at our men from 
the thickets and rocks, but did us no harm. Two of them our 
men killed, and hurt others. So they marched up to their 
town, and burnt all their wigwams and matts, but their corn 
being standing, they could not spoil it. At night they returned 
to their vessels, and the next day they went ashore on the west 
side of the river, and burnt all their wigwams, and spoiled their 
canoes; and so set sail, and came to the Naragansett, where 
they landed their men, and, the 14th of 7ber, they came all safe 
to Boston, which was a marvellous providence of God, that not 
a hair fell from the head of any of them, nor any sick or feeble 
person among them. As they came by Naragansett, Cutsha- 
makin, an Indian, who went with them for an interpreter, who, 
being armed with a corslet and a piece, had crept into a 
swamp and killed a Pequot, and having flayed off the skin of 
his head,* he sent it to Canonicus, who presently sent it to 
all the sachems about him, and returned many thanks to 
the English, and sent four fathom of wampom to Cut- 

The soldiers who went were all voluntaries, and had only 
their victuals provided, but demanded no pay. The whole 
charge of the voyage came to about £200. The seamen had 
all wages.^ 

The Naragansett men told us after, that thirteen of the 

^ Scalping, though usual in Canada, was not at this time customary among 
the Indians of southern New England. 

* The reprisals of Endicott, as to ruthlessness, appear to be of a piece with 
the harsh warfare against Indians of later times. Palliation may be found in the 
fact that the Pequots were interlopers, a body perhaps of Iroquois extraction, 
which had thrust itself in between the Mohegans and Narragansetts, and preyed 
like wolves upon its neighbors right and left. The condition of the colonies was 
indeed very critical: had the Pequots succeeded (as but for Roger Williams 
they probably would have done) in forming a union with the Narragansetts, the 
English could hardly have maintained themselves. See Ellis, John Mason, in 
Sparks's American Biography, second series, vol. III., p. 360. 


Pequods were killed, and forty wounded; and but one of 
Block Island killed. 

At the last general court, order was taken to restrain the 
trade with the Indians, and the governor and council appointed 
to let it to farm, for a rent to be paid to the treasury. 

The inhabitants of Boston, who had taken their farms and 
lots at Mount Woollaston, finding it very burdensome to have 
their business, etc. so far off, desired to gather a church there. 
Many meetings were about it. The great let was, in regard it 
was given to Boston for upholding the town and church there, 
which end would be frustrate by the removal of so many chief 
men as would go thither. For helping of this, it was pro- 
pounded, that such as dwelt there should pay six-pence the 
acre, yearly, for such lands as lay within a mile of the water, 
and three-pence for that which lay further off. 

A ship of Barnstaple arrived here with eighty heifers. 

Another from Bristol arrived, a fortnight after, with some 
cattle and passengers; but she had dehvered most of her 
cattle and passengers at Pascataquack for Sir Ferdinando 
Gorge his plantation at Aquamenticus. 

Canonicus sent word of some English, whom the Pequods 
had killed at Saybrook; and Mr. WiUiams wrote, that the 
Pequods and Naragansetts were at truce, and that Miantun- 
nomoh told him, that the Pequods had labored to persuade 
them, that the English were minded to destroy all Indians. 
Whereupon we sent for Miantunnomoh to come to us. 

Another windmill was erected at Boston, and one at Charles- 
town ; and a watermill at Salem, and another at Ipswich, and 
another at Newbury. 



8ber (October).] After Mr. Endecott and our men were 
departed from the Pequod/ the twenty men of Say brook lay 
wind-bound there, and went to fetch some of the Indians' 
corn ; and having fetched every man one sackful to their boat, 
they returned for more, and having loaded themselves, the 
Indians set upon them. So they laid down their corn and 
gave fire upon them, and the Indians shot arrows at them. 
The place was open for the distance of musket shot, and the 
Indians kept the covert, save when they came forth, about 
ten at a time, and discharged their arrows. The English put 
themselves into a single file, and some ten only (who had pieces 
which could reach them) shot ; the others stood ready to keep 
them from breaking in upon our men. So they continued the 
most part of the afternoon. Our men killed some of them, as 
they supposed, and hurt others; and they shot only one of 
ours, and he was armed, all the rest being without arms.^ He 
was shot through the leg. Their arrows were all shot compass,* 

' The manuscript of this, the second, part of the Journal, after having been 
copied by Savage, while still in his possession was destroyed by fire in 1825. 
Though his transcript, as he tells us, had not undergone "perfect verification" 
beyond 1639, there is no reason to think that his usual faithfulness is lacking; 
while therefore the loss is greatly to be regretted, we can be confident of having 
an accurate story, '^ Now the Thames River. 

' "Armed," that is, provided with defensive armor. 

*"To keep compass" is in archery, according to the Century Dictionary, 
"to preserve a due elevation." To reach the distant foe the arrows, of necessity, 
described a high arc within view of the soldiers, who had time to dodge. The 
helplessness of the savages before fire-arms is very apparent. 



so as our men, standing single, could easily see and avoid 
them; and one was employed to gather up their arrows. At 
last they emptied their sacks, and retired safe to their boat. 

About two days after, five men of Saybrook went up the 
river about four miles, to fetch hay in a meadow on Pequot 
side. The grass was so high as some Pequots, being hid in it, 
set upon our men, and one, that had hay on his back, they 
took; the others fled to their boat, one of them having five 
arrows in him, (but yet recovered). He who was taken was 
a godly young man, called [blank] Butterfield ; (whereupon the 
meadow was named Butterfield Meadow). About fourteen 
days after, six of Saybrook, being sent to keep the house in 
their corn-field, about two miles from the fort, three of them 
went forth on fowHng, (which the lieutenant had strictly for- 
bidden them). Two had pieces, and the third only a sword. 
Suddenly about one hundred Indians came out of the covert, 
and set upon them. He who had the sword brake through 
them, (and received only two shot, not dangerous,) and 
escaped to the house, which was not a bow-shot off, and per- 
suaded the other two to follow him; but they stood still till 
the Indians came and took them, and carried them away 
with their pieces. Soon after they burnt down the said house, 
and some outhouses and haystacks within a bow-shot of the 
fort, and killed a cow, and shot divers others; but they all 
came home with the arrows in them. 

21.] Miantunnomoh, the sachem of Naragansett, (being sent 
for by the governor,) came to Boston with two of Canonicus's 
sons, and another sachem, and near twenty sanaps. Cutsha- 
makin gave us notice the day before. The governor sent 
twenty musketeers to meet him at Roxbury. He came to 
Boston about noon. The governor had called together most 
of the magistrates and ministers, to give countenance to our 
proceedings, and to advise with them about the terms of peace. 
It was dinner time, and the sachems and their council dined by 
themselves in the same room where the governor dined, and 


their sanaps were sent to the inn. After dinner, Miantimnomoh 
declared what he had to say to us in [blank] propositions, which 
were to this effect: — That they had always loved the English, 
and desired firm peace with us : That they would continue in 
war with the Pequods and their confederates, till they were sub- 
dued; and desired we should so do: They would deliver our 
enemies to us, or kill them: That if any of theirs should kill 
our cattle, that we would not kill them, but cause them to 
make satisfaction: That they would now make a firm peace, 
and two months hence they would send us a present. 

The governor told them, they should have answer the 
next morning. 

In the morning we met again, and concluded the peace upon 
the articles underwritten, which the governor subscribed, and 
they also subscribed with their marks, and Cutshamakin also. 
But because we could not well make them understand the arti- 
cles perfectly, we agreed to send a copy of them to Mr. Wil- 
liams, who could best interpret them to them.* So, after 
dinner, they took leave, and were conveyed out of town by 
some musketeers, and dismissed with a volley of shot. 


1. A firm peace between us and our friends of other plantations, 
(if they consent,) and their confederates, (if they will observe the 
articles, etc.,) and our posterities. 

2. Neither party to make peace with the Pequods without the 
other's consent. 

3. Not to harbor, etc., the Pequods, etc. 

4. To put to death or deliver over murderers, etc. 

5. To return our fugitive servants, etc. 

6. We to give them notice when we go against the Pequods, and 
they to send us some guides. 

7. Free trade between us. 

^ Roger Williams had especial skill in the Indian languages, as is evidenced 
by his Key unto the Langtiage of America (London, 1643), reprinted in 1866 by 
the Narragansett Club. 


8. None of them to come near our plantations during the wars 
with the Pequods, without some Englishman or known Indian. 

9. To continue to the posterity of both parties. 

The governor of Plymouth wrote to the deputy/ that we 
had occasioned a war, etc., by provoking the Pequods, and no 
more, and about the peace with the Naragansetts, etc. The 
deputy took it ill, (as there was reason,) and returned answer 
accordingly, and made it appear, 1. That there was as much 
done as could be expected, considering they fled from us, and 
we could not follow them in our armour, neither had any 
to guide us in their country. 2. We went not to make war 
upon them, but to do justice, etc., and having killed thirteen 
of them for four or five, which they had murdered of ours, 
and destroyed sixty wigwams, etc., we were not much behind 
with them. 3. They had no cause to glory over us, when they 
saw that they could not save themselves nor their houses 
and corn from so few of ours. 4. If we had left but one hun- 
dred of them living, those might have done us as much hurt 
as they have or are likely to do. 5. It was very Ukely they 
would have taken notice of our advantage against them, and 
would have sitten still, or have sought peace, if God had not 
deprived them of common reason. 

About the middle of this month, John Tilley, master of a 
bark, coming down Connecticut River, went on shore in a canoe, 
three miles above the fort, to kill fowl; and having shot off 
his piece, many Indians arose out of the covert and took 
him, and killed one other, who was in the canoe. This Tilley 
was a very stout man, and of great understanding. They cut 
off his hands, and sent them before, and after cut off his feet. 
He lived three days after his hands were cut off; and them- 
selves confessed, that he was a stout man, because he cried not 
in his torture. 

About this time two houses were burnt, and all the goods in 

* Winthrop. 


them, to a great value ; one was one Shaw at Watertown, and 
the other one Jackson of Salem, both professors, and Shaw the 
day before admitted of the former church. This was very ob- 
servable in Shaw, that he concealed his estate, and made show 
as if he had been poor, and was not clear of some unrighteous 

One Mrs. Hutchinson,* a member of the church of Boston, 
a woman of a ready wit and bold spirit, brought over with her 
two dangerous errors: 1. That the person of the Holy Ghost 
dwells in a justified person. 2. That no sanctification can 
help to evidence to us our justification. — From these two grew 
many branches; as, 1. Our union with the Holy Ghost, so as 
a Christian remains dead to every spiritual action, and hath no 

* Here begins the story of a most painful and memorable episode of our 
early history. No other chapter of Massachusetts history is so full of perplex- 
ities. Mrs. Hutchinson came from Lincolnshire to America, with her husband, 
a worthy but not notable man, and their children, drawn to America through 
her admiration for John Cotton, whose ministration while he was rector of St. 
Botolph's Church she had much enjoyed. She was a woman of kind heart and 
practical capacity of various kinds, possessed, too, of a fervent spirit and an 
intellect so keen that she was held to be the "masterpiece of woman's wit" (John- 
son, W otider-W orking Providence, book I., ch. 42.) She attained great influence 
among the women of the settlement, which soon extended to the men as well; 
and when she denounced the ministers of the colony, excepting Cotton and her 
brother-in-law Wheelwright, as essentially lacking, she carried with her the 
Boston church, hardly any but Winthrop and Wilson the pastor withstanding 
her. Since the other churches of the settlement took opposite ground, a quarrel 
arose very bitter and dangerous, the details of which may be best learned from 
Winthrop. The ecclesiastical dispute as to justification by faith and justifica- 
tion by works is as old as the apostles Paul and James. Mrs. Hutchinson's idea 
was that saving grace went only to such as possessed faith, and that, this grace 
having been received, the recipient was above law. Hence the term "antino- 
mian" was hurled at her and her sympathizers, a term expressly repudiated by 
Wheelwright, and certainly unwarranted; for the Hutchinsonians, while scorning 
"legalism," did not mean to cut loose from moral obligations. Undoubtedly, 
however, there was danger that in minds confused with the controversial jargon, 
Mrs. Hutchinson's ideas might be taken as countenancing licentiousness, and 
in one memorable case, that of John Underhill, hereafter narrated, they certainly 
were taken as a cloak for loose living. 

Winthrop in the Journal tells the story only briefly; but in his other work, 
A Short Story of the Rise, Reign, and Ruin of the Antinomians , Familists, and 
Libertines that infected the Churches of Massachusetts Bay, a book, some extracts 
from which are included within the present reprint, he gives a detailed account. 


gifts nor graces, other than such as are in hypocrites, nor any 
other sanctification but the Holy Ghost himself. 

There joined with her in these opinions a brother of hers, 
one Mr. Wheelwright, a silenced minister sometimes in Eng- 

25.] The other ministers in the bay, hearing of these 
things, came to Boston at the time of a general court, and 
entered conference in private with them, to the end they might 
know the certainty of these things ; that if need were, they 
might write to the church of Boston about them, to prevent (if 
it were possible) the dangers, which seemed hereby to hang 
over that and the rest of the churches. At this conference, 
Mr. Cotton was present, and gave satisfaction to them, so as he 
agreed with them all in the point of sanctification, and so did 
Mr. Wheelwright; so as they all did hold, that sanctification 
did help to evidence justification. The same he had delivered 
plainly in public, divers times; but, for the indwelling of 
the person of the Holy Ghost, he held that still, as some others 
of the ministers did, but not union with the person of the 
Holy Ghost, (as Mrs. Hutchinson and others did,) so as to 
amount to a personal union. 

Mr. Cotton, being requested by the general court, with 
some other ministers, to assist some of the magistrates in 
compiling a body of fundamental laws, did this court, present 
a model of Moses his judicials, compiled in an exact method, 
which were taken into further consideration till the next 
general court.* 

30.] Some of the church of Boston, being of the opinion of 
Mrs. Hutchinson, had labored to have Mr. Wheelwright^ to 

* Mr. Worthington C. Ford, in Proceedings of the Massachisetts Historical 
Society, second series, XVI. 274-284, gives reasons for identifying this code 
drafted by Cotton with the Abstract of the Lawes of New England (London, 1641), 
reprinted in Force's Historical Tracts, III., but never adopted. 

* John Wheelwright, born near the end of the sixteenth century, hved till 
1679, the patriarch of the New England clergy. Educated at Cambridge, min- 
ister of Alford, near old Boston, married to a sister of Anne Hutchinson, like her 


be called to be a teacher there. It was propounded the last 
Lord's day, and was moved again this day for resolution. 
One of the church stood up and said, he could not consent, 
etc.* His reason was, because the church being well furnished 
already with able ministers, whose spirits they knew, and 
whose labors God had blessed in much love and sweet peace, 
he thought it not fit (no necessity urging) to put the welfare 
of the church to the least hazard, as he feared they should do, 
by calUng in one, whose spirit they knew not, and one who 
seemed to dissent in judgment, and instanced in two points, 
which he delivered in a late exercise there; 1. That a believer 
was more than a creature. 2. That the person of the Holy 
Ghost and a behever were united. Hereupon the governor 
spake, that he marvelled at this, seeing Mr. Cotton had lately 
approved his doctrine. To this Mr. Cotton answered, that he 
did not remember the first, and desired Mr. Wheelwright to 
explain his meaning. He denied not the points, but showed 
upon what occasion he delivered them. Whereupon, there being 
an endeavor to make a reconciliation, the first rephed, that, 
although Mr. Wheelwright and himself might likely agree about 
the point, and though 'he thought reverendly of his godliness 
and abilities, so as he could be content to Uve under such a 
ministry ; yet, seeing he was apt to raise doubtful disputations, 
he could not consent to choose him to that place. Whereupon 
the church gave way, that he might be called to a new church, 
to be gathered at Mount Woollaston, now Braintree. 

he came under the influence of Cotton, and emigrated to America in 1636. In 
the Antinomian controversy he was a conspicuous champion of the "covenant 
of grace," undergoing exile at the hands of the upholders of a "covenant of 
works" for a fast-day sermon preached in January, 1637. This sermon is still 
extant, but of it and the whole Antinomian controversy we may say, with C. F. 
Adams, "Not only were the points obscure, but the discussion was carried on 
in a jargon which has become unintelligible." {Three Episodes of Massachusetts 
History, pp. 367, 439). Most of the Antinomian exiles went to Rhode Island, 
but Wheelwright went to New Hampshire, where he is venerated as the founder 
of Exeter and Hampton. In middle life, during a sojourn in England, he was 
made much of by Cromwell. 

* This was no doubt Winthrop. 


Divers of the brethren took offence at the said speech 
against Mr. Wheelwright; whereupon the same brother spake 
in the congregation the next day to this effect : That, hearing 
that some of the brethren were offended at his former speech, 
and for that offences were dangerous, he was desirous to give 
satisfaction. The offence, he said, was in three things: 1. 
For that he had charged the brother in pubhc, and for a thing 
so long since delivered, and had not first dealt with him pri- 
vately. For this he acknowledged it was a failing; but the 
occasion was, that, when he heard the points delivered, he took 
them in a good sense, as spoken figuratively, seeing the whole 
scope of his doctrine was sound, and savoring of the spirit 
of God ; but hearing, very lately, that he was suspected to 
hold such opinions, it caused him to think, he spake as he 
meant. The 2d cause of offence was, that in his speech ap- 
peared some bitterness. For that he answered, that they 
well knew his manner of speech was always earnest in things, 
which he conceived to be serious; and professed, that he did 
love that brother's person, and did honor the gifts and graces 
of God in him. The 3d was, that he had charged him to have 
held things which he did not. For this he answered, that he 
had spoken since with the said brother ; and for the two points, 
—that a believer should be more than a creature, and that there 
should be a personal union between the Holy Ghost and a 
behever, — he had denied to hold either of them; but by 
necessary consequence, he doth hold them both ; for he holds, 
(said he,) that there is a real union with the person of the 
Holy Ghost, and then of jiecessity it must be personal, and so 
a believer must be .more than a creature, viz., God-man, even 
Christ Jesus. For though, in a true union, the two terms may 
still remain the same, etc., as between husband and wife, he 
is a man still, and she a woman, (for the union is only in 
sympathy and relation,) yet in a real or personal union it is not. 
Now, whether this were agreeable to the doctrine of the church 
or not, he left to the church to judge; hoping that the Lord 


would direct our teacher to clear these points fully, as he had 
well done, in good measure, already. Withal he made this 
request to the brother, (which he said he did seriously and 
affectionately,) that, seeing these variances grew (and some 
estrangement withal) from some words and phrases, which 
were of human invention, and tended to doubtful disputation, 
rather than to edification, and had no footing in scripture, 
nor had been in use in the purest churches for three hundred 
years after Christ, — that, for the peace of the church, etc., 
they might be forborn ; (he meant, person of the Holy Ghost, 
and real union;) and concluded, that he did not intend to 
dispute the matter, (as not having place or calling thereunto 
then ;) yet, if any brother desired to see what light he walked 
by, he would be ready to impart it to him. How this was 
taken by the congregation, did not appear, for no man spake 
to it. 

A day or two after, the same brother wrote his mind fully, 
with such scriptm"es and arguments as came to hand, and sent 
it to Mr. Cotton. 

(9.) {November) 8.] A new church was gathered at Sagus, 
now Lynn. The governor and deputy were not there, being 
letted by the coming in of a ship, and other occasions. It held 
the company two days, Mr. Whiting,^ who was to be the 
pastor, being very unskilful in church matters, and those who 
were to be members not fit for such a work. At last six were 
accepted, with Mr. A^Tiiting, but with much ado. 

12.] A commission was sent out of the chancery in Eng- 
land to some private men here, to examine witnesses in a cause 
depending there; but nothing was done in it, nor any return 

17.] Two ships arrived here from London, and one a 
week before. They were full of passengers, — men, women, 

'Samuel Whiting had been a minister at Lynn Regis, in Norfolk, and 
Savage surmises, gave the name to Lynn. He was a respected figure in the 
colonial church, 


and children. One of them had been from London twenty-six 
weeks, and between land and land eighteen weeks ; (the other 
two something less time;) their beer all spent and leaked out a 
month before their arrival, so as they were forced to stinking 
water (and that very little) mixed with sack or vinegar, and 
their other provisions very short and bad. Yet, through the 
great providence of the Lord, they came all safe on shore, and 
most of them sound and well liking. They had continual 
tempests, and when they were near the shore, (being brought 
two or three days with a strong east wind,) the weather was 
so thick all that time as they could not make land, and the sea- 
men were in great perplexity, when on the sudden the fog 
cleared, so as they saw Cape Ann fair on their starboard bow, 
and presently grew thick again; yet by their compass tliey 
made their harbor. There were aboard that ship two godly 
ministers, Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, and Mr. Partridge,^ and 
many good people in that and the other ships; and we had 
prayed earnestly for them ; (for a small pinnace of thirty tons, 
which came out with them, and was come in three weeks be- 
fore, brought us news of their coming). In one of the other 
ships, the passengers had but half a pint of drink for a day, 
fourteen days together; yet, through the Lord's mercy, did all 
well. One of the ships was overset in the night by a sudden 
gust, and lay so half an hour, yet righted of herself. 

Cattle were grown to high rates ; — a good cow, £25 or £30 ; 
a pair of bulls or oxen, £40. Corn was now at 5s. the bushel, 
and much rye was sown with the plough this year, for about 
thirty ploughs were at work. Bread was at 9 and 10s. the C. ; 
carpenters at 3s. the day, and other workmen accordingly. 

Things went not well at Connecticut. Their cattle did, 
many of them, cast their young, as they had done the year 

v> *■ ■^^^^'fe^* ^0 J^'Ntfidge were installed respectively at Ipswich and Duxbury, 
and are celebratecTin Co|ton Mather's Magnalia, like many more of the preachers 
who pass in the^reyipw- \ 

iiiVi All SOxiOOL ) 


Mons. D'Aulney/ captain of Penobscott or Pentagouett, 
returned answer to the governor's letter, wherein he professed, 
that they claimed no further than to Pemaquid, nor would 
unless he had further order; and that he supposed, that the 
cause why he had no order, etc., was, that the Enghsh ambas- 
sador had dealt effectually with the cardinal of France for 
settling the hmits for our peace, etc. 

The governor, Mr. Vane, a wise and godly gentleman, held, 
with Mr. Cotton and many others, the indwelling of the person 
of the Holy Ghost in a believer, and went so far beyond the 
rest, as to maintain a personal union with the Holy Ghost; 
but the deputy,^ with the pastor and divers others, denied 
both; and the question proceeded so far by disputation, (in 
writing, for the peace sake of the church, which all were 
tender of,) as at length they could not find the person of the 
Holy Ghost in scripture, nor in the primitive churches three 
hundred years after Christ. So that, all agreeing in the chief 
matter of substance, viz. that the Holy Ghost is God, and that 
he doth dwell in the behevers, (as the Father and Son both are 
said also to do,) but whether by his gifts and power only, or 
by any other manner of presence, seeing the scripture doth not 
declare it, — it was earnestly desired, that the word person 
might be forborn, being a term of human invention, and tending 
to doubtful disputation in this case. 

lOber (December).] The governor, receiving letters from 
his friends in England, which necessarily required his presence 
there, imparted the same to the council and some others; 
and, being thereupon resolved of his return into England, called 
a court of deputies, to the end he might have free leave of the 
coimtry, etc. They, being assembled in court, and himself 

' Charles de Menou, Sieur d'Aulnay-Charnis^. For a detailed account of 
the French enterprises with which Massachusetts became connected, see C. C. 
Smith, "Massachusetts and the Neighboring Jurisdictions," in the Memorial 
History of Boston, I. 282 et seqq. 

*Winthrop, now deputy-governor, magnanimously opens here the record of 
his difTerence with Vane, now governor, who supported Mrs. Hutchinson. 


declaring the necessity of his departure, and those of the coun- 
cil affirming the reasons to be very urgent, though not fit to 
be imparted to the whole court, they desired respite to consider 
thereof till the morning ; when one of the assistants using some 
pathetical passages of the loss of such a governor in a time of 
such danger as did hang over us, from the Indians and French, 
the governor brake forth into tears, and professed, that how- 
soever the causes propounded for his departure were such as 
did concern the utter ruin of his outward estate, yet he would 
rather have hazarded all, than have gone from them at this 
time, if something else had not pressed him more, viz. the 
inevitable danger he saw of God's judgments to come upon us 
for these differences and dissensions, which he saw amongst us, 
and the scandalous imputations brought upon himself, as if 
he should be the cause of all ; and therefore he thought it best 
for him to give place for a time, etc. Upon this the court con- 
cluded that it would not be fit to give way to his departure 
upon these grounds. Whereupon he recalled himself, and pro- 
fessed, that the reasons concerning his own estate were sufficient 
to his own satisfaction for his departure, and therefore desired 
the court he might have leave to go ; as for the other passage, 
it shpped him out of his passion, and not out of judgment. 
Upon this the court consented, silently, to his departure. Then 
the question was about supply of his place. Some were of 
opinion, that it should be executed by the deputy; but this 
scruple being cast in, that if the deputy should die, then the 
government would be vacant, and none have power to call any 
court, or to preside therein, etc., it was agreed to call a court of 
elections, for a new governor and deputy, in case the present 
deputy should be chose governor; and an order was made, 
(in regard of the season,) that such as would might send their 
votes by proxy, in papers sealed up and delivered to the 
deputies. And so this court was adjourned four days, and two 
days after the court of elections was to assemble. These things 
thus passed, divers of the congregation of Boston met together, 


and agreed that they did not apprehend the necessity of the 
governor's departure upon the reasons alleged, and sent some 
of them to declare the same to the court ; whereupon the gov- 
ernor expressed himself to be an obedient child to the church, 
and therefore, notwithstanding the license of the court, yet, 
without the leave of the church, he durst not go away. 

WTiereupon a great part of the court and country, who 
understood hereof, declared their purpose to continue him still 
in his place, and therefore, so soon as the day of election came, 
and the country were assembled, it was thought the best way 
for avoiding trouble, etc., not to proceed to election, but to 
adjourn the court to the great general court in May. And so 
the court of deputies, etc., continued still, (for the other court 
was not called). 

At this court the elders of the churches were called, to ad- 
vise with them about discovering and pacif>dng the differences 
among the churches in point of opinion. The governor 
having declared the occasion to them, Mr. Dudley desired, 
that men would be free and open, etc. Another of the magis- 
trates spake, that it would much further the end they came for, 
if men would freely declare what they held different from 
others, as himself would freely do, in what point soever he 
should be opposed. The governor said, that he would be 
content to do the like, but that he understood the ministers 
were about it in a church way, etc., which he spake upon this 
occasion: the ministers had met, a httle before, and had 
drawn into heads all the points, wherein they suspected Mr. 
Cotton did differ from them, and had propounded them to him, 
and pressed him to a direct answer, affirmative or negative, to 
every one ; which he had promised, and taken time for. This 
meeting being spoke of in the court the day before, the governor 
took great offence at it, as being without his privity, etc., which 
this day Mr. Peter told him as plainly of, (with all due rever- 
ence,) and how it had sadded the ministers' spirits, that he 
should be jealous of their meetings, or seem to restrain their 


liberty, etc. The governor excused his speech, as sudden and 
upon a mistake. Mr. Peter told him also, that before he came, 
within less than two years since, the churches were in peace, 
etc. The governor answered, that the light of the gospel 
brings a sword, and the children of the bondwoman would 
persecute those of the freewoman. Mr. Peter also besought 
him humbly to consider his youth, and short experience in the 
things of God, and to beware of peremptory conclusions, which 
he perceived him to be very apt unto. He declared further, 
that he had observed, both in the Low Countries and here, three 
principal causes of new opinions and divisions thereupon: 
1. Pride, new notions hft up the mind, etc. 2. Idleness. 
3. [blank.] 

Mr. Wilson made a very sad speech of the condition of our 
churches, and the inevitable danger of separation, if these 
differences and alienations among brethren were not speedily 
remedied; and laid the blame upon these new opinions risen 
up amongst us, which all the magistrates, except the governor 
and two others, did confirm, and all the ministers but two. 

In this discourse one question arose about sanctification. 
Mr. Cotton, in his sermon that day, had laid down this ground, 
that evident sanctification was an evidence of justification, 
and thereupon had taught, that in cases of spiritual desertion, 
true desires of sanctification was found to be sanctification; 
and further, if a man were laid so flat upon the ground, as he 
could see no desires, etc., but only, as a bruised reed, did wait 
at the feet of Christ, yet here was matter of comfort for this, 
as found to be true. 

The question here grew, whether any of these, or evident 
sanctification, could be evidence to a man without a concur- 
rent sight of his justification. The governor and Mr. Cotton 
denied it. 

The speech of Mr. Wilson was taken very ill by Mr. Cotton 
and others of the same church, so as he and divers of them 
went to admonish him. But Mr. Wilson and some others could 


see no breach of rule, seeing he was called by the court about 
the same matter with the rest of the elders, and exhorted to 
deHver their minds freely and faithfully, both for discovering 
the danger, and the means to help ; and the things he spake of 
were only in general, and such as were under a common fame. 
And being questioned about his intent, he professed he did not 
mean Boston church, nor the members thereof, more than 
others. But this would not satisfy, but they called him to 
answer publicly, 31 ; and there the governor pressed it violently 
against him, and all the congregation, except the deputy and 
one or two more, and many of them with much bitterness and 
reproaches ; but he answered them all with words of truth and 
soberness, and with marvellous wisdom. It was strange to 
see, how the common people were led, by example, to condemn 
him in that, which (it was very probable) divers of them did 
not understand,^ nor the rule which he was supposed to have 
broken; and that such as had known him so long, and what 
good he had done for that church, should fall upon him with 
such bitterness for justifying himself in a good cause; for he 
was a very holy, upright man, and for faith and love inferior 
to none in the country, and most dear to all men. The teacher 
joined with the church in their judgment of him, (not without 
some appearance of prejudice,) yet with much wisdom and 
moderation. They were eager to proceed to present censure, 
but the teacher staid them from that, telhng them he might 
not do it, because some opposed it, but gave him a grave 
exhortation. The next day Mr. Wilson preached, notwith- 
standing, and the Lord so assisted him, as gave great satisfac- 
tion, and the governor himself gave public witness to him. 

One of the brethren'' wrote to Mr. Cotton about it, and laid 
before him divers failings, (as he supposed,) and some reasons 

' It may well be believed that plain men and women were deeply embar- 
rassed in trying to understand what Savage calls "the deadly, unintelligible 
opinions" to which those whom they loved and respected were giving currency. 

' Winthrop himself, no doubt, whose suffering over being out of sympathy 
with Cotton, and in general over the distractions, was acute. 


to justify Mr. Wilson, and dealt very plainly with him. Mr. 
Cotton made a very loving and gentle answer, clearing his 
intentions, and persisting in his judgment of Mr. Wilson's of- 
fence, laying down divers arguments for it. The said brother 
rephed to him in like loving manner, and desired leave to show 
his letter to Mr. Wilson, which he readily assented unto. But 
for answer to his arguments, he forbore to reply to Mr. Cotton, 
(because he was overburdened with business,) but wrote to the 
two ruhng elders, (whom the matter most concerned,) and, by 
way of defence of Mr. Wilson, answered all Mr. Cotton's 

Upon these public occasions, other opinions brake out pub- 
hcly in the church of Boston, — as that the Holy Ghost dwelt 
in a believer as he is in heaven; that a man is justified before 
he believes; and that faith is no cause of justification. And 
others spread more secretly, — as that the letter of the scripture 
holds forth nothing but a covenant of works; and that the 
covenant of grace was the spirit of the scripture, which was 
known only to believers ; and that this covenant of works was 
given by Moses in the ten commandments; that there was a 
seed (viz., Abraham's carnal seed) went along in this, and there 
was a spirit and life in it, by virtue whereof a man might at- 
tain to any sanctification in gifts and graces, and might have 
spiritual and continual communion with Jesus Christ, and 
yet be damned. After, it was granted, that faith was before 
justification, but it was only passive, an empty vessel, etc.; 
but in conclusion, the ground of all was found to be assurance 
by immediate revelation. 

All the congregation of Boston, except four or five, closed 
with these opinions, or the most of them; but one of the 
brethren^ wrote against them, and bore witness to the truth; 
together with the pastor, and very few others joined with them. 

About this time the rest of the ministers, taking offence at 
some doctrines delivered by Mr. Cotton, and especially at 

^ Winthrop himself. 


some opinions, which some of his church did broach, and for 
he seemed to have too good an opinion of, and too much 
famiharity with those persons, drew out sixteen points, and 
gave them to him, entreating him to deliver his judgment 
directly in them, which accordingly he did, and many copies 
thereof were dispersed about. Some doubts he well cleared, 
but in some things he gave not satisfaction. The rest of the 
ministers rephed to these answers, and at large showed their 
dissent, and the grounds thereof; and, at the next general 
court, held 9th of the Ist,^ they all assembled at Boston, and 
agreed to put off all lectures for three weeks, that they might 
bring things to some issue. 

One Mr. Glover of Dorchester, having laid sixty pounds of 
gunpowder in bags to dry in the end of his chimney, it took 
j&re, and some went up the chimney : other of it filled the room 
and passed out at a door into another room, and blew up a 
gable end. A maid, which was in the room, having her arms 
and neck naked, was scorched, and died soon after. A httle 
child, in the arms of another, was scorched upon the face, but 
not killed. Two men were scorched, but not much. Divers 
pieces, which lay charged in several places, took fire and went 
off, but did no harm. The room was so dark with smoke, as 
those in the house could neither find door nor window, and 
when neighbors came in, none could see each other a good 
time for smoke. The house was thatched, yet took not fire; 
yet when the smoke was gone, many things were found burnt. 
Another great providence was, that three little children, being 
at the fire a little before, they went out to play, (though it were 
a very cold day,) and so were preserved. 

» March 9, 1636/7. 


12 mo. (February) 22.] The lieutenant of Saybrook, at the 
mouth of Connecticut, going out with nine men, armed with 
swords and pieces, they started three Indians, whom they 
pursued till they were brought into an ambush of fifty, who 
came upon them, and slew four of their men, and had they not 
drawn their swords and retired, they had been all slain. The 
Indians were so hardy, as they came close up to them, notwith- 
standing their pieces. 

(11.) (January) 10.] Capt. Turner's house in Sagus took 
fire by an oven about midnight, and was burnt down, with all 
that was in it, save the persons. About fourteen days since, 
a ship called the George of Bristol, laden with cattle and pas- 
sengers, (having been some time at the Western Islands,)* and 
having spent her mainmast about Cape Cod, and after come 
near Brewster's Islands, was, by N. W. winds, forced to put 
into Plymouth. 

20.] A general fast was kept in all the churches. The occa- 
sion was, the miserable estate of the churches in Germany; 
the calamities upon our native country, the bishops making 
havock in the churches, putting down the faithful ministers, 
and advancing popish ceremonies and doctrines, the plague 
raging exceedingly, and famine and sword threatening them; 
the dangers of those at Connecticut, and of ourselves also, by 
the Indians; and the dissensions in our churches. 

The differences in the said points of religion increased more 
and more, and the ministers of both sides (there being only 
Mr. Cotton of one party) did publicly declare their judgments 
in some of them, so as all men's mouths were full of them. 

* Azores. 


And there being, 12 mo. (February) 3, a ship ready to go for 
England, and many passengers in it, Mr. Cotton took occasion 
to speak to them about the differences, etc., and willed them 
to tell om- comitrjrmen, that all the strife amongst us was about 
magnifying the grace of God; one party seeking to advance 
the grace of God within us, and the other to advance the grace 
of God towards us, (meaning by the one justification, and by 
the other sanctification ;) and so bade them tell them, that, if 
there were any among them that would strive for grace, they 
should come hither; and so declared some particulars. Mr. 
Wilson spake after him, and declared, that he knew none of 
the elders or brethren of the churches, but did labor to advance 
the free grace of God in justification, so far as the word of God 
required ; and spake also about the doctrine of sanctification, 
and the use and necessity, etc., of it ; by occasion whereof no 
man could tell (except some few, who knew the bottom of the 
matter) where any difference was: which speech, though it 
offended those of Mr. Cotton's party, yet it was very seasonable 
to clear the rest, who otherwise should have been reputed to 
have opposed free grace. Thus every occasion increased the 
contention, and caused great alienation of minds; and the 
members of Boston (frequenting the lectures of other minis- 
ters) did make much disturbance by public questions, and ob- 
jections to their doctrines, which did any way disagree from 
their opinions; and it began to be as common here to distin- 
guish between men, by being under a covenant of grace or a 
covenant of works, as in other countries between Protestants 
and papists.* 

February 6.] A man of Weymouth (but not of the church) 

' How hurtful to the churches the controversy was, appears from the fact 
that for two years, while it was raging, the records show that no member was 
received into the Boston church. Yet so slight were the differences that both 
Cotton and Wilson unite in stating the trouble in such terms, that passengers to 
England may make no report of discord. Stoppage of immigration and inter- 
ference from the authorities were to be feared if the melancholy story of the 
schism were related; both sides therefore tried to put a good face on things. 


fell into some trouble of mind, and in the night cried out, ' ' Art 
thou come. Lord Jesus?" and with that leaped out of his bed 
in his shirt, and, breaking from his wife, leaped out at a high 
window into the snow, and ran about seven miles off, and 
being traced in the snow, was found dead next morning. They 
might perceive, that he had kneeled down to prayer in divers 

(1.) (March) 9.] The general court began. When any 
matter about these new opinions was mentioned, the court 
was divided ; yet the greater number far were sound. They 
questioned the proceeding against Mr. Wilson, for his speech in 
the last court, but could not fasten upon such as had prejudiced 
him, etc. ; but, by the vote of the greater party, his speech was 
approved, and declared to have been a seasonable advice, and 
no charge or accusation. 

The ministers, being called to give advice about the author- 
ity of the court in things concerning the churches, etc., did 
all agree of these two things: 1. That no member of the 
court ought to be publicly questioned by a church for any 
speech in the court, without the license of the court. The 
reason was, because the court may have sufficient reason that 
may excuse the sin, which yet may not be fit to acquaint the 
church with, being a secret of state. The second thing was, 
that, in all such heresies or errors of any church members 
as are manifest and dangerous to the state, the court may 
proceed without tarrying for the church ; but if the opinions be 
doubtful, etc., they are first to refer them to the church, etc. 

At this court, when Mr. Wheelwright was to be questioned 
for a sermon, which seemed to tend to sedition, etc., near 
all the church of Boston presented a petition to the court for 
two things: 1. That as freemen they might be present in 
cases of judicature. 2. That the court would declare, if they 
might deal in cases of conscience before the church, etc. This 
was taken as a groimdless and presumptuous act, especially at 
this season, and was rejected with this answer : That the court 


had never used to proceed judicially but it was openly; but for 
matter of consultation and preparation in causes, they might 
and would be private. 

One Stephen Greensmith, for saying that all the ministers, 
except A. B. C, did teach a covenant of works, was censured 
to acknowledge his fault in every church, and fined £40. 

Mr. Wheelwright, one of the members of Boston, preach- 
ing at the last fast, inveighed against all that walked in a 
covenant of works, as he described it to be, viz., such as 
maintain sanctification as an evidence of justification, etc. and 
called them antichrists, and stirred up the people against them 
with much bitterness and vehemency. For this he was called 
into the court, and his sermon being produced, he justified it, 
and confessed he did mean all that walk in such a way. Where- 
upon the elders of the rest of the churches were called, and 
asked whether they, in their ministry, did walk in such a way. 
They all acknowledged they did. So, after much debate, the 
court adjudged him guilty of sedition, and also of contempt, 
for that the court had appointed the fast as a means of recon- 
ciliation of the differences, etc., and he purposely set himself 
to kindle and increase them.^ The governor and some few 
more (who dissented) tendered a protestation, which, because 
it wholly justified Mr. Wheelwright, and condemned the pro- 
ceedings of the court, was rejected. The church of Boston also 
tendered a petition in his behalf, justifying Mr. Wheelwright's 
sermon. The court deferred sentence till the next court, and 
advised with the ministers, etc., whether they might enjoin 
his silence, etc. They answered, that they were not clear in 

' Savage quotes from Wheelwright's sermon a passage characterized not 
only by piety, but by a quality in those days apparently more rare — sound com- 
mon sense. He in particular rejects the name "antinomian," which though not 
employed here by Winthrop, was by many others aflSxed as a stigma to the heresies 
of Mrs. Hutchinson and her followers. Cotton upheld Wheelwright, and in 
1654, the General Court rendered to Wheelwright, who as an exile in New Hamp- 
shire effected much good, a tardy but substantial justice. See Mather, Mag- 
nolia, book VII., chap, iii., sec. 3. 


that point, but desired rather, that he might be commended 
to the church of Boston to take care of him, etc., which ac- 
cordingly was done, and he enjoined to appear at the next 
court. Much heat of contention was this court between the 
opposite parties; so as it was moved, that the next court 
might be kept at Newtown. The governor refused to put it 
to the vote; the deputy was loath to do it, except the court 
would require him, because he dwelt in Boston, etc. So the 
court put it to Mr. Endecott. 

21.] Miantunnomoh, etc., sent twenty-six, with forty 
fathom of wampom and a Pequod's hand. We gave four of 
the chief each a coat of fourteen shillings price, and deferred 
to return our present till after, according to their manner. 

Mo. 2. (April) 1.] Those of Connecticut returned answer to 
our public letters, wherein they showed themselves unsatisfied 
about our former expedition against the Pequods, and their 
expectations of a further prosecution of the war, to which they 
offer to send men, and signify their unpreparedness to declare 
themselves in the matter of government, in regard of their 
engagement to attend the answer of the gentlemen of Say- 
brook about the same matter. 

10.] Capt. Underbill was sent to Saybrook, with twenty 
men, to keep the fort, both in respect of the Indians, and 
especially of the Dutch, who, by their speeches and suppHes 
out of Holland, gave cause of suspicion that they had some 
design upon it. The men were sent at the charge of the gentle- 
men of Saybrook, and lent by order of the council here, for fear 
any advantage should be taken by the adverse party, through 
the weakness of the place. 

6.] The church of Concord kept a day of humiliation at 
Newtown, for ordination of their elders, and they chose Mr. 
Buckly* teacher, and Mr. Jones pastor. Upon a question 
moved by one sent from the church of Salem, it was resolved 

' The Reverend Peter Bulkeley. 


by the ministers there present, that such as had been ministers 
in England were lawful ministers by the call of the people there, 
notwithstanding their acceptance of the call of the bishops, 
etc., (for which they humbled themselves, acknowledging it 
their sin, etc.,) but being come hither, they accounted them- 
selves no ministers, until they were called to another church, 
and that, upon election, they were ministers before they were 
solemnly ordained. 

The governor, and Mr. Cotton, and IVIr. WTieelwright, and 
the two ruhng elders of Boston, and the rest of that church, 
which were of any note, did none of them come to this meeting. 
The reason was conceived to be, because they accounted these 
as legal preachers, and therefore would not give approbation 
to their ordination. 

3. (May) 2.] Mr. Haynes, one of our magistrates, removed 
with his family to Connecticut. 

12.] We received a letter from him and others, being then 
at Saybrook, that the Pequods had been up the river at Weath- 
ersfield, and had killed six men, being at their work, and twenty 
cows and a mare, and had killed three women, and carried 
away two maids. 

Mr. Winslow was sent from the governor and council of 
Plymouth to treat with us about joining against the Pequods. 
He declared first their wilhngness to aid us ; but that they could 
not do any thing till their general court, which was not till the 
first Tuesday in the 4th month. Then he made some objec- 
tions: as, 1. Our refusal to aid them against the French. 2. 
Our people's trading at Kenebeck. 3. The injury offered them 
at Connecticut by those of Windsor, in taking away their land 
there. 4. Their own poverty, and our abihty, which needed 
not any help from them. 

To this answer was made by our governor and deputy: 
that, 1. We did not desire them to afford aid unto us, but to 
join against the common enemy, who, if he were not subdued, 
would prove as dangerous to them as to us, and, he prevaiUng, 


would cause all the Indians in the country to join to root out 
all the English. 2. For our refusal to aid them against the 
French, the case was not alike, for it was their private quarrel, 
and they were supposed to have commission from the king of 
France, and we thought it no wisdom for us to engage ourselves 
in a war with the king of France ; yet we acknowledged some 
failing in it. For our people's trading at Kenebeck, we an- 
swered, that we gave no allowance to it, nor had we heard of 
more than a boat or two that had been there. For the injury 
done them at Connecticut, we had dealt with them to give 
satisfaction, but it was not in our power to do them justice in 
it. He alleged also, that this war did not concern them, seeing 
the Pequods had not killed any of theirs. We answered, that 
Capt. Stone, etc., for whom this war was begun, were none 
of ours neither. He alleged further, that, in our first under- 
taking, they were not acquainted with it till two or three days 
before our forces were to go forth. We answered, we intended 
at the first to send only to Block Island, and for that we thought 
it not needful to trouble them, and our sending them thence 
to the Pequods was with hope to draw them to parley, and 
so to some quiet end. We concluded to write further to them 
from our next court. And whereas they propounded to have 
us promise to aid them in all their occasions, etc., we answered 
that, seeing, when we now treated with them about joining 
with us, they were at liberty and might withhold, except they 
saw reason to move them; so we desired to be left free, that 
we might judge of the reason of any such occasion as might 
fall out. According hereunto we writ to them the 20th of the 
3d month, and gave them some considerations, why they 
should join with us: as, 1. because, if we should be overcome, 
it would cost them more to help us, and be less acceptable ; 2. 
if we should prevail without them, it would occasion ill thoughts 
in our people towards theirs, etc. So we left it to them.^ 

> This letter of Winthrop's, of May 20, 1637, is given in full by Bradford, 
pp. 335-337. 


17.] Our court of elections was at Newtown. So soon as 
the court was set, being about one of the clock, a petition was 
preferred by those of Boston. The governor would have read 
it, but the deputy said it was out of order ; it was a court for 
elections, and those must first be despatched, and then their 
petitions should be heard. Divers others also opposed that 
course, as an ill precedent, etc. ; and the petition, being about 
pretence of Uberty, etc., (though intended chiefly for revoking 
the sentence given against Mr. Wheelwright,) would have spent 
all the day in debate, etc. ; but yet the governor and those of 
that party would not proceed to election, except the petition 
was read. Much time was already spent about this debate, 
and the people crying out for election, it was moved by the 
deputy, that the people should divide themselves, and the 
greater number must carry it. And so it was done, and the 
greater number by many were for election. But the governor 
and that side kept their place still, and would not proceed. 
Whereupon the deputy told him, that, if he would not go to 
election, he and the rest of that side would proceed. Upon 
that, he came from his company, and they went to election; 
and Mr. Winthrop was chosen governor, Mr. Dudley deputy 
and Mr. Endecott of the standing council; and Mr. Israel 
Stoughton and Mr. Richard Saltonstall were called in to be 
assistants; and Mr. Vane, Mr. Coddington, and Mr. Dummer, 
(being all of that faction,) were left quite out. 

There was great danger of a tumult that day ; for those of 
that side grew into fierce speeches, and some laid hands on 
others; but seeing themselves too weak, they grew quiet. 
They expected a great advantage that day, because the remote 
towns were allowed to come in by proxy; but it fell out, that 
there were enough beside. But if it had been otherwise, they 
must have put in their deputies, as other towns had done, for 
all matters beside elections. Boston, having deferred to choose 
deputies till the election was passed, went home that night, and 
the next morning they sent Mr. Vane, the late governor, and 


Mr. Coddington, and Mr. Hoffe, for their deputies; but the 
court, being grieved at it, found a means to send them home 
again, for that two of the freemen of Boston had not notice of 
the election. So they went all home, and the next morning 
they returned the same gentlemen again upon a new choice; 
and the court not finding how they might reject them, they 
were admitted. 

Upon the election of the new governor, the Serjeants, who 
had attended the old governor to the court, (being all Boston 
men, where the new governor also dwelt,) laid down their 
halberds and went home ; and whereas they had been wont to 
attMid the former governor to and from the meetings on the 
Lord's days, they gave over now, so as the new governor was 
fain to use his own servants to carry two halberds before him; 
whereas the former governor had never less than four. 

Divers writings were now published about these differ- 
ences. Among the rest, the magistrates set forth an apology* 
to justify the sentence of the court against Mr. Wheelwright, 
which the adverse party had much opposed and spoken evil 
of, and did also set forth a remonstrance to that end, in which 
they did not deal fairly; for, in abbreviating Mr. Wheelwright 
his sermon, they clear altered both the words and meaning of 
such passages in it, whereat the offence was taken, and which 
were the ground of the court's sentence. 

Mr. Wheelwright also himself set forth a small tractate 
about the principal doctrine of his sermon, viz., about the cove- 
nant of grace, which was also differing from his sermon. 

The other ministers also set out an answer to his sermon, 
confuting the same by many strong arguments. 

Mr. Cotton also replied to their answer very largely, and 
stated the differences in a very narrow scantling; and Mr. 
Shepherd, preaching at the day of election, brought them yet 
nearer, so as, except men of good understanding, and such as 
knew the bottom of the tenets of those of the other party, few 

* Printed in the Short Story, of which more later. 


could see where the difference was; and indeed it seemed so 
small, as (if men's affections had not been formerly ahenated, 
when the differences were formerly stated as fundamental) 
they might easily have come to reconciliation. For in these 
particulars they agreed: 1. That justification and sanctifica- 
tion were both together in time; 2. That a man must know 
himself to be justified, before he can know himself to be sanc- 
tified; 3. That the spirit never witnesseth justification without 
a word and a work. 

The difference was, whether the first assurance be by an 
absolute promise always, and not by a conditional also, and 
whether a man could have any true assurance, without sight 
of some such work in his soul as no hypocrite could attain unto.^ 

At the court Mr. Wheelwright, according as he was enjoined, 
did appear; but, because a general day of humihation was 
appointed, and it was agreed, that all the churches should 
choose certain men to meet and confer about the differences, 
the court gave him respite to the next session, (which was ap- 
pointed the first Tuesday in August,) to bethink himself, that, 
retracting and reforming his error, etc., the court might show 
him favor, which otherwise he must not expect. His answer 
was, that if he had committed sedition, then he ought to be put 
to death ; and if we did mean to proceed against him, he meant 
to appeal to the king's court; for he could retract nothing. 
The court told him, that they were clear in the justice of their 
proceeding, and should judge of his offence as they had done, 
if it were to do again ; but if, upon the conference among the 
churches, the Lord should discover any further light to them 
than as yet they had seen, they should gladly embrace it. 

' The folly and pitiableness of this dissension over matters which the com- 
batants themselves admitted to be so trifling is brought home to us in reading 
that in these days the Boston men gathered for the Pequot war, a most important 
contingent of the force, came near refusing to march, because the chaplain, John 
Wilson, was under a "covenant of works." And yet there has never been in New 
England a call for men more imperative. Palfrey, History of New England, 
I. 492. 


The intent of the court in deferring the sentence was, that, 
being thus provoked by their tumultuous course, and divers 
insolent speeches, which some of that party had uttered in the 
court, and having now power enough to have crushed them, 
their moderation and desire of reconcihation might appear 
to all. 

Having received intelligence from Miantunnomoh, that the 
Pequods had sent their women and children to an island for 
their safety, we presently sent away forty men by land to the 
Narigansetts, and there to take in Miantunnomoh, (and he 
offered to send sixteen men with ours,) and so, in the night, 
to set upon them. 

We also provided to send one hundred and sixty ^ more 
after them to prosecute the war; and Mr. Stoughton, one of 
the magistrates, was sent with them, and Mr. Wilson, the pastor 
of Boston. These two were chosen thus in the open court: 
Three magistrates were set apart, and one was designed by a 
lot ; also the elders set apart two ; and a lot was cast between 
them in a solemn public invocation of the name of God. 

22.] Miantunnomoh sent us word, that Capt. Mason,^ with 
a company of the English upon the river, had surprised and 
slain eight Pequods, and taken seven squaws, and with some 
of them had redeemed the two English maids. 

24.] By letters from Mr. Wilhams we were certified, (which 
the next day was confirmed by some who came from Say- 
brook,) that Capt. Mason was come to Saybrook with eighty 

1 The relative strength of the towns of the colony at this time may be in- 
ferred from the apportionment of this body — Boston, 26; Salem, 18; Ipswich, 
17; Lynn, 16; Watertown, 14; Dorchester, 13; Charlestown, 12; Roxbury, 10; 
Newtown, 9; Newbury, 8; Hingham, 6; Weymouth, 5; Medford, 3; Marble- 
head, 3. (Savage.) 

^ Captain John Mason led the little army with great courage and skill. A 
better or more necessary piece of Indian fighting has perhaps never been done: 
it saved the colony from extinction. Sir Thomas Fairfax, Mason's old comrade 
in England, desired his services in the army of the Parliament. An account of 
the Pequot war was written by Mason himself, Massachusetts Historical Society's 
Collections, second series, VIII. 232, and another by Lyon Gardiner, ibid., third 
series, III. 136, 173. Mason's life has been written by George E. Ellis. 


English and one hundred Indians; and that the Indians had 
gone out there, and met with seven Pequods ; five they killed ; 
one they took alive, whom the English put to torture ; and set 
all their heads upon the fort. The reason was, because they 
had tortured such of our men as they took alive. 

The Dutch governor sent a sloop to Pequod to redeem the 
two English maids by what means soever, though it were with 
breach of their peace with the Pequods.* The sloop offered 
largely for their ransom; but nothing would be accepted. 
So the Dutch, having many Pequods aboard, stayed six of 
them, (the rest leaped overboard,) and with them redeemed the 
two maids, who had been well used by the Pequods, and no 
violence offered them. 

The former governor and IVIr. Coddington, being discontent- 
ed that the people had left them out of all pubhc service, gave 
further proof of it in the congregation ; for they refused to sit 
in the magistrate's seat, (where Mr. Vane had always sitten 
from his first arrival,) and went and sate with the deacons, 
although the governor sent to desire them to come in to him. 
And upon the day of the general fast, they went from Boston 
to keep the day at the Mount with Mr. Wheelwright. 

Another occasion of their discontent, and of the rest of that 
party, was an order, which the court had made, to keep out all 
such persons as might be dangerous to the commonwealth, by 
imposing a penalty upon all such as should retain any, etc., 
above three weeks, which should not be allowed by some of the 
magistrates ; for it was very probable, that they expected many 
of their opinion to come out of England from Mr. Brierly his 
church, etc.^ 

* The humanity and bravery of the Dutch in risking a war with the Pequots 
to ransom the EngHsh maids, is commendable. Johnson says, W onder-W orking 
Providence, book ii., chap, i., that the Pequots asked the maids if they could 
make gunpowder. They plainly felt their disadvantage. 

^ Wmthrop wrote at this time a " Defense of the Order of the Court," to 
which Vane wrote "A Brief Answer," of which interchange of papers no men- 
tion is made here. The papers are preserved in Hutckinson Papers, I. 79, 84. 


This order, and other differences between the new governor 
and them, was the cause, that, at his return to Boston, none 
of them met him; and the Serjeants, which had constantly 
attended the former governor to all public meetings with 
four halberds, did now refuse to do any such office to the new, 
alleging that they had done it to the former voluntarily, in re- 
spect of his person, not his place. To which it was answered, 
that there was a double error; 1. Because the place drowns 
the person, be he honorable or base; 2. In that any compli- 
ment of honor, being once conferred upon an office, (though 
voluntarily,) cannot after be taken away without contempt and 
injury. The country, taking notice of this, offered to send in 
some from the neighboring towns to carry the halberds by 
course ; and upon that the town of Boston offered to send some 
men, but not the Serjeants; but the governor chose rather to 
make use of two of his own servants. 

25.] Our English from Connecticut, with their Indians, and 
many of the Naragansetts, marched in the night to a fort of the 
Pequods at Mistick, and, besetting the same about break of the 
day, after two hours' fight they took it, (by firing it,) and slew 
therein two chief sachems, and one hundred and fifty fighting 
men, and about one hundred and fifty old men, women, and 
children, with the loss of two English, whereof but one was 
killed by the enemy. Divers of the Indian friends were hurt 
by the English, because they had not some mark to distinguish 
them from the Pequods, as some of them had. The story is 
more fully described in the next leaf.* 

Presently upon this came news from the Naragansett, that 

Vane's "Brief Answer" is memorable as containing the first adumbration of an 
idea for which he was afterward to struggle upon a larger stage — the idea of 
toleration. For the order of the court, see Mass. Col. Records, I. 196. From 
Cotton's Way of the Congregational Churches Cleared, a famous book, it appears 
that he, as well as Vane, felt outraged by the order, thus showing the more liberal 
spirit which in a different environment might have characterized him. He de- 
signed at this time, says Savage, to remove to Connecticut, but was dissuaded. 

' This account has been lost, if it were ever written, but Mason's report 
(Ellis, Mason) is very vivid, recording much ruthlessness as well as valor. 


all the English, and two hundred of the Indians, were cut off in 
their retreat, for want of powder and victuals. Three days 
after, this was confirmed by a post from Plymouth, with such 
probable circumstances, as it » was generally beheved. But, 
three days after, Mr. Williams, having gone to the Naragansetts 
to discover the truth, found them mourning, as being confident 
of it; but that night some came from the army, and assured 
them all was well, and that all the Pequods were fled, and had 
forsaken their forts. The general defeat of the Pequods at 
Mistick happened the day after our general fast.^ 

Mo. 4. (June) 3.] Two ships arrived here out of England, 
(Mr. Peirce was one). In them came the copy of a commission, 
from the commissioners for New England, to divers of the 
magistrates here, to govern all the people in New England till 
further order, etc., upon this pretence, that there was no 
lawful authority in force here, either mediate or immediate, 
from his majesty.^ 

Upon the news from Mr. Wilhams, that the Pequods were 
dispersed, and some come in and submitted to the Naragan- 
setts, (who would not receive them before he had sent to know 
our mind,) the governor and council thought it needless to 
send so many men, and therefore sent out warrants only for 
one half of the two hundred ; but some of the people hked not 
of it, and came to the governor to have all sent. He took 
it ill; and though three of the ministers came with them to 
debate the matter, he told them, that if any one, discerning 
an error in the proceedings of the council, had come, in a private 
manner, to acquaint him therewith, etc., it had been well 
done ; but to come, so many of them, in a public and popular 
way, was not well, and would bring authority into contempt. 
This they took well at his hands, and excused their intentions. 

' It was through Roger Wilhams that the Narragansetts were held firm to 
the English (Ellis, Mason, p. 360), a fact which Winthrop does not make clear. 

' In addition to all the other trouble, here was a new event full of evU 


So it was thought fit to send about forty men more, which was 
yielded rather to satisfy the people, than for any need that 

Upon our governor's letter to Plymouth, our friends there 
agreed to send a pinnace, with forty men, to assist in the war 
against the Pequods; but they could not be ready to meet us 
at the first. 

15.] There was a day of thanksgiving kept in all the 
churches for the victory obtained against the Pequods, and for 
other mercies. 

About this time came home a small pinnace of thirty tons, 
which had been forth eight months, and was given for lost. 
She went to the Bermuda, but by continual tempests was kept 
from thence, and forced to bear up for the West Indies, and, 
being in great distress, arrived at Hispaniola, and not daring 
to go into any inhabited place there, but to go ashore in obscure 
places, and lived of turtles and hogs, etc. At last they were 
forced into a harbor, where lay a French man-of-war with 
his prize, and had surely made prize of them also, but that 
the providence of God so disposed, as the captain, one Petfree, 
had Uved at Pascataquack, and knew the merchant of our 
bark, one Mr. Gibbons. Whereupon he used them courteously, 
and, for such commodities as she carried, freighted her with 
tallow, hides, etc., and sent home with her his prize, which he 
sold for a small price to be paid in New England. He brought 
home an ahgarto, which he gave the governor.^ 

20.] Three ships arrived here from Ipswich, with three 
hundred and sixty passengers. The last being loath to come 
to an anchor at Castle Island, though hailed by the Castle 
boat, and required, etc., the gunner made a shot, intending 
to shoot before her for a warning, but the powder in the touch- 
hole being wet, and the ship having fresh way with wind and 
tide, the shot took place in the shrouds and killed a passenger, 

* Mr. C. F. Adams, Three Episodes of Massachusetts History, p. 357, sus- 
pects that Gibbons's story masks a buccaneering venture. 


an honest man. The next day the governor charged an inquest, 
and sent them aboard with two of the magistrates (one of them 
being deputed coroner) to take view of the dead body, and who, 
upon hearing all the evidence, etc., found that he came to his 
death by the providence of God. 

23.] The governor went to Sagus, and so to Salem and to 
Ipswich, at all which places the men of the towns met him, and 
guarded him from town to town, (though not desired nor ex- 
pected by him,) to show their respect to their governor, and 
also for his safety, in regard it was reported the Pequods were 
come this way. He returned again the 28th, being forced to 
travel all the night by reason of the heat, which was so extreme, 
as divers of those who were new come on shore, died in their 
travel a few miles. 

26.] There arrived two ships from London, the Hector, 
and the [blank]. In these came Mr. Davenport and another 
minister, and Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins, two merchants 
of London, men of fair estate and of great esteem for religion, 
and wisdom in outward affairs.^ 

In the Hector came also the Lord Ley, son and heir of the 
Earl of Marlborough, being about nineteen years of age, who 

* John Davenport, Theophilus Eaton and Edward Hopkins are among 
the most distinguished of the Connecticut worthies. The first, hke Cotton and 
Hooker, having achieved eminence in England, came to America a man of forty, 
and though urged to remain in Massachusetts, threw in his lot with the New 
Haven settlement, which he greatly influenced. He was remembered in his old 
home, and with Cotton and Hooker, was invited to sit in the Westminster Assem- 
bly. Declining this honor, he worked on in the wilderness, bravely sheltering 
the regicides Whalley and Goffe, at his own peril. Later in life he succeeded 
John Norton as minister of the First Church in Boston, for him not a happy 
change, dying there at the age of seventy-two. Eaton, who before his emigration 
had been envoy to Denmark, was for twenty years governor of New Haven, while 
Hopkins, his son-in-law, was, alternately with Haynes, governor of the neigh- 
boring colony of Hartford, or Connecticut. The doubling in New England 
colonization must be remembered or one may be misled: as in Massachusetts 
we find Plymouth and the Bay, so farther south we have Providence and Rhode 
Island, and near the great river, Connecticut and New Haven; the doubling of 
capitals, so long maintained in Rhode Island and Connecticut, was a survival of 
the early state of things. Hopkins returned to England, where he was a man of 
mark during the Protectorate. 


came only to see the country. He was of very sober carriage, 
and showed much wisdom and moderation in his lowly and 
familiar carriage, especially in the ship, where he was much 
disrespected and unworthily used by the master, one Feme, 
and some of the passengers ; yet he bare it meekly and silently. 
When he came on shore the governor was from home, and he 
took up his lodging at the common inn. When the governor 
returned, he presently came to his house. The governor offered 
him lodging, etc., but he refused, saying, that he came not 
to be troublesome to any, and the house where he was, was 
so well governed, that he could be as private there as else- 

We had news of a commission granted in England to divers 
gentlemen here for the governing of New England, etc. ; but 
instead thereof we received a commission from Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges to govern his province of New Somersetshire, which is 
from Cape Elizabeth to Sagadahoc, and withal to oversee his 
servants and private affairs; which was observed as a matter 
of no good discretion, but passed in silence. We excused our 
not intermeddling, etc., because, being directed to six or five of 
them, and one of their names being mistaken, and another re- 
moved to Connecticut, there were but four in the country ; as 
also for that it did not appear to us what authority he had to 
grant such a commission.* As for the commission from the 
king, we received only a copy of it, but the commission itself 
staid at the seal for want of pajdng the fees. 

Mo. 5 (July).] The party, who procured the commission, 
one George Cleves, brought also a protection under the privy 
signet for searching out the great lake of Iracoyce,^ and for the 
sole trade of beaver, and the planting of Long Island, by 
articles of agreement between the Earl of Sterling, Viscount 

' Gorges had received a grant of this territory from the Council for New 
England, in February, 1635. 

^ Iroquois. This, it may be surmised, was Lake Champlain, of which the 
English settlers, now striking west, would be likely to hear. 


Canada, and him.^ Thus this and other gentlemen in England 
get large circuits of lands, etc., in this country, and are very 
ready to grant them out to such as will become their tenants, 
and, to encourage them, do procure commissions, protections, 
etc., which cost them nothing, but will be at no charge in any 
right way of plantation, which should be by coming them- 
selves, or sending some of their children, etc.; but now, as 
they adventure httle, so they are sure to lose nothing but their 
vain hope. 

Capt. Stoughton and his company, having pursued the Pe- 
quots beyond Connecticut, and missing of them, returned to 
Pequot River, where they were advertised, that one hundred 
of them were newly come back to a place some twelve miles 
off. So they marched thither by night, and surprised them all. 
They put to death twenty-two men, and reserved two sa- 
chems, hoping by them to get Sasacus, (which they prom- 
ised). All the rest were women and children, of whom they 
gave the Naragansetts thirty, and our Massachusetts Indians 
three, and the rest they sent hither. 

A pinnace, returning, took a canoe with four Indians near 
Block Island. We sent to Miantunnomoh to know what they 
were, and after we discharged all save one, who was a Pequod, 
whom we gave Mr. Cutting to carry into England. 

The differences grew so much here, as tended fast to a 
separation; so as Mr. Vane, being, among others, invited by 
the governor to accompany the Lord Ley at dinner, not only 
refused to come, (alleging by letter that his conscience with- 
held him,) but also, at the same hour, he went over to Nottle's 
Island to dine with Mr. Maverick, and carried the Lord Ley 
with him. 

6.] There were sent to Boston forty-eight women and chil- 
dren. There were eighty taken, as before is expressed. These 
were disposed of to particular persons in the country. Some 

1 Sir William Alexander, Earl of Stirling, Viscount Canada, poet and courtier, 
had in 1635 received Long Island by grant from the Council for New England. 


of them ran away and were brought again by the Indians our 
neighbors, and those we branded on the shoulder. 

12.] Ayanemo, the sachem of Niantick, came to Boston 
with seventeen men. He made divers propositions, which we 
promised to give answer unto the next day; and then, under- 
standing he had received many of the Pequods, submitting to 
him since the former defeat, we first demanded the dehvery of 
them, which he sticking at, we refused further conference with 
him; but the next morning he came, and offered what we 
desired. So the governor referred him to treat with our cap- 
tains at the Pequod, and wrote instructions to them how to 
deal with him, and received his present of ten fathom of wam- 
pom. He was lovingly dismissed, with some small things 
given him.^ 

Here came over a brother of Mrs. Hutchinson, and some 
other of Mr. Wheelwright's friends, whom the governor 
thought not fit to allow, as others, to sit down among us, with- 
out some trial of them. Therefore, to save others from the 
danger of the law in receiving of them, he allowed them for 
fom- months. This was taken very ill by those of the other 
party, and many hot speeches given forth about it, and about 
their removal, etc. 

13.] Mr. Stoughton, with about eighty of the English, 
whereof Mr. Ludlow, Capt. Mason, and [blank,] of Connecti- 
cut, were part, sailed to the west in pursuit of Sasacus, etc. At 
Quinepiack,^ they killed six, and took two. At a head of land 
a little short they beheaded two sachems; whereupon they 
called the place Sachem's Head. About this time they had 
given a Pequod his life to go find out Sasacus. He went, and 
found him not far off; but Sasacus, suspecting him, intended 
to kill him, which the fellow perceiving, escaped in the night, 

'The severities of seventeenth-century warfare were perhaps no more 
marked in New than in old England, the prisoners captured at Dunbar and 
Worcester, for instance, faring little better than the Pequots. 

" Now New Haven. 


and came to the English. Whereupon Sasacus and Mononotto, 
their two chief sachems, and some twenty more, fled to the 
Mohawks. But eighty of their stoutest men, and two hundred 
others, women and children, were at a place within twenty or 
thirty miles of the Dutch, whither our men marched, and, being 
guided by a Divine Providence, came upon them, where they 
had twenty wigwams, hard by a most hideous swamp, so thick 
with bushes and so quagmiry, as men could hardly crowd into 
it. Into this swamp they were all gotten. Lieut. Davenport 
and two or three more, that entered the swamp, were danger- 
ously wounded by the Indian arrows, and with much difficulty 
were fetched out. Then our men surroimded the swamp, being 
a mile about, and shot at the Indians, and they at them, from 
three of the clock in the afternoon till they desired parley, and 
offered to yield, and hfe was offered to all that had not shed 
English blood. So they began to come forth, now some and 
then some, till about two hundred women and children were 
come out, and amongst them the sachem of that place, and 
thus they kept us two hours, till night was come on, and then 
the men told us they would fight it out ; and so they did all the 
night, coming up behind the bushes very near our men, and 
shot many arrows into their hats, sleeves, and stocks, yet 
(which was a very miracle) not one of ours wounded. When 
it was near morning, it grew very dark, so as such of them as 
were left crept out at one place and escaped, being (as was 
judged) not above twenty at most, and those hke to be wounded ; 
for in the pursuit they found some of them dead of their 
wounds. Here our men gat some booty of kettles, trays, 
wampom, etc., and the women and children were divided, and 
sent some to Connecticut, and some to the Massachusetts. The 
sachem of the place, having yielded, had his life, and his wife 
and children, etc. The women, which were brought home, 
reported that we had slain in all thirteen sachems, and that 
there were thirteen more left. We had now slain and taken, 
in all, about seven hundred. We sent fifteen of the boys and 


two women to Bermuda, by Mr. Peirce; but he, missing it, 
carried them to Providence Isle/ 

Mo. 6 (August).] Mr. Stoughton sailed, with some of his 
company, from Pequod to Block Island. They came thither 
in the night, yet were discovered, and our men having killed 
one or two of them, and burnt some of their wigwams, etc., 
they came to parley, and, submitting themselves to become 
tributaries in one hundred fathom wampompeague, and to 
deUver any that should be found to have any hand in Mr. 
Oldham's death, they were all received, and no more harm done 

3.] At our general court, one Greensmith, being censured 
for saying that all the elders, etc., except two, did preach a 
covenant of works, etc., he did appeal to the king; but the 
court, notwithstanding, committed him till, etc. 

The Lord Ley, being told that one Ewre had spoken treason 
against the king, sent for the party, one Brooks, and inquiring 
of him, he told him that Ewre had said, about twelve months 
before, that, if the king did send any authority hither against 
our patent, he would be the first should resist him. This 
coming to the governor's knowledge, he sent for the parties, 
and bound them over to the general court. Wlien they came 
there. Brooks brought his wife to witness with him; but her 
testimony agreed not with his ; also three others (whom he had 
told it unto) reported it otherwise. So at length they all agreed, 
and set it under their hands, that Ewre said, that, if there came 
any authority out of England contrary to the patent, he would 
withstand it. Now, because here was no mention of the king, 
and because he never informed any of the magistrates of it, 
and for that it was evident that he bare mahce to the said 
Ewre, we saw no cause to take any other of the parties inform- 
ing, (the rather because themselves did urge it, and she re- 

* An island in the Caribbean, off the Nicaraguan coast. In 1630 Charles I. 
granted it, by a patent similar to that of Massachusetts, to a company of Eng- 
lishmen, mostly Puritans, who held it till 1641, when the Spaniards captured it. 


fused longer to speak at all, except she might be put to her 
oath,) nor any offence which deserved punishment, seeing 
it is lawful to resist any authority, which was to overthrow the 
lawful authority of the king's grant; and so the governor 
did openly declare, in the court, as justifiable by the laws of 

3.] The Lord Ley and Mr. Vane went from Boston to the 
ship, riding at Long Island, to go for England. At their 
departure, those of Mr. Vane's party were gathered together, 
and did accompany him to the boat, (and many to the ship ;) 
and the men, being in their arms, gave him divers vollies of 
shot, and five pieces of ordnance, and he had five more at 
the castle. But the governor was not come from the court, 
but had left order with the captain for their honorable dis- 

There was an old woman in Ipswich, who came out of 
England blind and deaf, yet her son could make her understand 
any thing, and know any man's name, by her sense of feeling. 
He would write upon her hand some letters of the name, and by 
other such motions would inform her. This the governor 
himself had trial of when he was at Ipswich. 

5.] Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone came, with Mr. Wilson, from 
Connecticut by Providence; and, the same day, Mr. Ludlow, 
Mr. Pincheon, and about twelve more, came the ordinary way 
by land, and brought with them a part of the skin and lock of 
hair of Sasacus and his brother, and five other Pequod sachems, 
who, being fled to the Mohawks for shelter, with their wampom, 
being to the value of five hundred pounds, were by them sur- 
prised and slain, with twenty of their best men. Mononottoh 
was also taken, but escaped wounded. They brought news 
also of divers other Pequods, which had been slain by other 

* The present editor has in another work ventured to declare that Harry 
Vane's career in America, while characterized by shortcominifs attributable 
largely to the immaturity of one scarcely beyond boyhood, nevertheless fore- 
shadows the course of the able and virtuous statesman Vane afterward became. 
Hosmer, Lije of Young Sir Henry Vane, 77. 


Indians, and their heads brought to the Enghsh ; so that now 
there had been slain and taken between eight and nine hundred. 
Whereupon letters were sent to Mr. Stoughton and the rest, to 
call them all home. 

A woman of Boston congregation, having been in much 
trouble of mind about her spiritual estate, at length grew 
into utter desperation, and could not endure to hear of any 
comfort, etc., so as one day she took her little infant and threw 
it into a well, and then came into the house and said, now she 
was sure she should be damned, for she had drowned her child ; 
but some, stepping presently forth, saved the child. See more 

Mr. Hooker and the rest of the elders, meeting divers days, 
they agreed (with consent of the magistrates) upon a day of 
humihation to be kept in all the churches the 24th of this 
month ; the day for the conference to be the 30th day. At their 
private meetings some reconcihation was made between Mr. 
Cotton and Mr. Wheelwright and Mr. Wilson, he professing, 
that, by his speech in the court, he did not intend the doctrine 
of Mr. Cotton or Mr. Wheelwright delivered in the pubhc con- 
gregation, but some opinions, (naming three or four,) which 
were privately carried in Boston and other parts of the country ; 
and accordingly Mr. Cotton declared so much in the congrega- 
tion the Lord's day following. And for the rest of liis speech, 
it was agreed by all the elders to be inoffensive, considering his 
call thereto by the court. This sudden change was much ob- 
served by some, who were privy that Mr. Wilson had professed 
as much before, both privately to the elders, and pubhcly in the 
congregation, and that the said opinions had been dehvered to 
the elders of Boston in writing as those which Mr. Wilson 

17.] Mr. Davenport preached at Boston (it being the 
lecture day) out of that in 1 Cor., I exhort you brethren, etc., 
that there be no division among you, etc. ; wherein, as he fully 
set forth the nature and danger of divisions, and the disorders 


which were among us, etc., so he clearly discovered his judg- 
ment against the new opinions and bitter practices which 
were sprung up here. 

Mr. Cotton, expounding that in 2 Chron. [blank] of the 
defection of the ten tribes from Rehoboam, and his prepara- 
tions to recover them by war, and the prophet's prohibition, 
etc., proved from that in Numbers, 27. 21, that the rulers of 
the people should consult with the ministers of the churches 
upon occasion of any war to be undertaken, and any other 
weighty business, though the case should seem never so clear, 
as David in the case of Ziglag, and the Israehtes in the case of 
Gibeah. Judges, etc. 

26.] The captain and soldiers returned all from Pequod, 
having lost but one man, and he died of a flux, and another 
fell sick of an old infirmity, an asthma. The Indians about 
sent in still many Pequods' heads and hands from Long Island 
and other places, and [blank] sachems of Long Island came 
voluntarily, and brought a tribute to us of twenty fathom of 
wampom, each of them; and Miantimnomoh sent here some 
Pequod squaws, which had run from us. 

31.] The Naragansetts sent us the hands of three Pe- 
quods, — one the chief of those who murdered Capt. Stone. 

Twenty men went in a pinnace to kill sea horse at the Isle 
of Sable, and after six weeks returned home, and could not find 
the island; but, after another month, viz., about the [blank] of 
September, they set forth again with more skilful seamen, with 
intent to stay there all winter. 

Mr. Eaton, and some others of Mr. Davenport's company, 
went to view Quinepiack, with intent to begin a plantation 
there. They had many offers here and at Plymouth, and they 
had viewed many places, but none could content. 

Some of the magistrates and ministers of Connecticut being 
here, there was a day of meeting appointed to agree upon 
some articles of confederation, and notice was given to Plym- 
mouth, that they might join in it, (but their warning was so 


short as they could not come). This was concluded after. 
See (3.) 1643. 

30.] The synod, called the assembly, began at Newtown. 
There were all the teaching elders through the country, and 
some new come out of England, not yet called to any place 
here, as Mr. Davenport, etc. 

The assembly began with prayer, made by Mr. Shepherd, 
the pastor of Newtown. Then the erroneous opinions, which 
were spread in the country, were read, (being eighty in all;) 
next the unwholesome expressions ; then the scriptures abused. 
Then they chose two moderators for the next day, viz., Mr. 
Buckly and Mr. Hooker, and these were continued in that place 
all the time of the assembly. There were about eighty opinions, 
some blasphemous, others erroneous, and all unsafe, condemned 
by the whole assembly ; whereto near all the elders, and others 
sent by the churches, subscribed their names; but some few 
hked not subscription, though they consented to the con- 
demning of them.^ 

Some of the church of Boston, and some others, were offend- 
ed at the producing of so many errors, as if it were a reproach 
laid upon the country without cause; and called to have the 
persons named, which held those errors. To which it was 
answered and affirmed by many, both elders and others, that 
all those opinions could be proved, by sufficient testimony, 
to be held by some in the country ; but it was not thought fit 
to name the parties, because this assembly had not to do with 
persons, but doctrines only. Yet this would not satisfy some, 
but they oft called for witnesses; and, because some of the 
magistrates declared to them, (when they refused to forbear 

* Boston in these days was not a pleasant place to dwell in. What with 
the home-coming of the ministers and the notable men from the Pequot war with 
such gruesome trophies as the scalps of Sassacus and his tribesmen, with the 
weak-minded becoming insane through religious excitement, and the convening 
of a synod whose acts were to be marked by much severity, the harsh features of 
the picture are very salient. Winthrop omits many details here, but treats the 
subject at length in A Short Story, of which more presently. 


speech unseasonably, though the moderators desired them), 
that, if they would not forbear, it would prove a civil dis- 
turbance, and then the magistrate must interpose, they ob- 
jected against this, as if the magistrate had nothing to do in 
this assembly. So as he was forced to tell one of them, that, 
if he would not forbear, but make trial of it, he might see it 
executed. Upon this some of Boston departed from the assem- 
bly, and came no more.* 

After the errors condemned, there were five points in ques- 
tion, between Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wheelwright on the one 
part, and the rest of the elders on the other part, which were 
after reduced to three, and those after put into such expres- 
sions as Mr. Cotton and they agreed, but Mr. Wheelwright 
did not: — 

1. The first was about our union with Christ. The ques- 
tion was, whether we were united before we had active faith. 
The consent was, that there was no marriage union with Christ 
before actual faith, which is more than habitual. 

2. The second was, about evidencing justification by sanc- 
tification. The consent was, that some saving sanctifications 
(as faith, etc.) were coexistent, concurrent, and coapparent (or 
at least might be) with the witness of the Spirit always. 

3. That the new creature is not the person of a beHever, 
but a body of saving graces in such a one ; and that Christ, as 
a head, doth enliven or quicken, preserve and act the same, but 
Christ himself is no part of this new creature. 

4. That though, in effectual calHng, (in which the answer 
of the soul is by active faith, wrought at the same instant by 
the Spirit,) justification and sanctification be all together in 

* " In his Way of Congregational Churches, p. 63, Cotton, answering many 
gross charges of Bailey's Dissuasive, as to his concurrence in Mrs. Hutchinson's 
errors, says with much force: 'Such as endeavored the heaHng of these distempers 
did seem to me to be transported with more jealousies, and heats, and paroxysms 
of spirit than would well stand with brotherly love, or the rule of the gospel.' 
Ten years after the agitations, this was his opinion; and it may safely be taken 
for the judgment of all succeeding time." (Savage.) 


them; yet God doth not justify a man, before he be effectually 
called, and so a behever. 

5. That Christ and his benefits may be offered and exhib- 
ited to a man under a covenant of works, but not in or by a 
covenant of works. 

In the first handUng of these questions, either party de- 
livered their arguments in writing, which were read in the 
assembly, and, after, the answers to them, which spent much 
time without any effect ; but after they came to open dispute, 
the questions were soon determined ; for so they came to under- 
stand each other better. 

Mo. 7 (September).] The last day of the assembly other 
questions were debated and resolved: — 

1. That though women might meet (some few together) 
to pray and edify one another; yet such a set assembly, (as 
was then in practice at Boston,) where sixty or more did meet 
every week, and one woman (in a prophetical way, by resolving 
questions of doctrine, and expounding scripture) took upon her 
the whole exercise, was agreed to be disorderly, and without 

2. Though a private member might ask a question pub- 
licly, after sermon, for information ; yet this ought to be very 
wisely and sparingly done, and that with leave of the elders: 
but questions of reference, (then in use,) whereby the doctrines 
delivered were reproved, and the elders reproached, and that 
with bitterness, etc., was utterly condemned. 

3. That a person, refusing to come to the assembly, to 
abide the censure of the church, might be proceeded against, 
though absent; yet it was held better, that the magistrates' 
help were called for, to compel him to be present. 

4. That a member, differing from the rest of the church in 

* Savage has the following characteristic note: "A prophetical way has been 
often followed, at meetings of women in Boston, and is, I think, in our days, 
without censure. The conduct of the female assembly in 1637, however, so much 
resembles party making, that the resolution of the synod is approved by the editor, 
though it bears hard on his great, great, great, great grandmother." 


any opinion, which was not fundamental, ought not for that to 
forsake the ordinances there ; and if such did desire dismission 
to any other church, which was of his opinion, and did it for 
that end, the church whereof he was ought to deny it for the 
same end. 

22.] The assembly brake up; and it was propounded by 
the governor, that they would consider, that, seeing the Lord 
had been so graciously present in this assembly, that matters 
had been carried on so peaceably, and concluded so comforta- 
bly in all love, etc., if it were not fit to have the like meeting 
once a year, or, at least, the next year, to settle what yet re- 
mained to be agreed, or if but to nourish love, etc. This 
motion was well liked of all, but it was not thought fit to con- 
clude it. 

There was a motion made also by the governor, that, 
whereas there was difference among the churches about the 
maintenance of their ministers, it might be agreed what way 
was most agreeable to the rule of the gospel; but the elders 
did not like to deal in that, lest it should be said, that this as- 
sembly was gathered for their private advantage. 

26.] Mr. Davenport (as he had been before requested by 
the assembly) preached out of Phil. 3: 16, wherein he laid down 
the occasions of differences among Christians, etc., and de- 
clared the effect and fruit of the assembly, and, with much 
wisdom and sound argument, persuaded to unity, etc. 

The diet of the assembly was provided at the coimtry's 
charge, as also the fetching and sending back of those which 
came from Connecticut. It came to, in all, [blank]. 

28.] Two men were hanged at Boston for several murders. 
The one, John Williams, a ship-carpenter, who, being lately 
come into the country, and put in prison for theft, brake out of 
prison with one John Hoddy, whom, near the great pond, in 
the way to Ipswich, beyond Salem, he murdered, and took 
away his clothes and what else he had, and went in them to 
Ipswich, (where he had been sent to prison,) and was there 


again apprehended; and though his clothes were all bloody, 
yet he would confess nothing, till about a week after, that the 
body of Hoddy was found by the kine, who, smelhng the blood, 
made such a roaring, as the cow-keeper, looking about, found 
the dead body covered with a heap of stones. 

The other, William Schooler, was a vintner in London, and 
had been a common adulterer, (as himself did confess,) and had 
woimded a man in a duel, for which he fled into the Low 
Country, and from thence he fled from his captain and came 
into this country, leaving his wife (a handsome, neat woman) 
in England. He lived with another fellow at Merrimack, and 
there being a poor maid at Newbury, one Mary Sholy, who had 
desired a guide to go with her to her master, who dwelt at 
Pascataquack, he inquired her out, and agreed, for fifteen 
shillings, to conduct her thither. But, two days after, he 
retiuned, and, being asked why he returned so soon, he an- 
swered, that he had carried her within two or three miles of the 
place, and then she would go no farther. Being examined 
for this by the magistrates at Ipswich, and no proof found 
against him, he was let go. But, about a year after, being 
impressed to go against the Pequods, he gave ill speeches, for 
which the governor sent warrant for him, and being appre- 
hended, (and supposed it had been for the death of the maid, 
some spake what they had heard, which might occasion sus- 
picion,) he was again examined, and divers witnesses produced 
about it. Whereupon he was committed, arraigned, and con- 
demned, by due proceeding. The effect of the evidence was 
this : — 

1. He had lived a vicious life, and now lived like an 

2. He had sought out the maid, and undertook to carry 
her to a place where he had never been. 

3. When he crossed Merrimack, he landed in a place three 
miles from the usual path, from whence it was scarce possible 
she should get into the path. 


4. He said he went by Winicowett house/ which he said 
stood on the contrary side of the way. 

5. Being, as he said, within two or three miles of Swam- 
scote,^ where he left her, he went not thither to tell them of 
her, nor staid by her that night, nor, at his return home, did tell 
any body of her, till he was demanded of her. 

6. When he came back, he had above ten shillings in his 
purse, and yet he said she would give him but seven shillings, 
and he carried no money with him. 

7. At his return, he had some blood upon his hat, and on 
his skirts before, which he said was with a pigeon, which he 

8. He had a scratch on the left side of his nose, and, being 
asked by a neighbor how it came, he said it was with a bramble, 
which could not be, it being of the breadth of a small nail ; and 
being asked after by the magistrate, he said it was with his 
piece, but that could not be on the left side. 

9. The body of the maid was found by an Indian, about 
half a year after, in the midst of thick swamp, ten miles short 
of the place he said he left her in, and about three miles from 
the place where he landed by Merrimack, (and it was after seen, 
by the EngUsh,) the flesh being rotted off it, and the clothes 
laid all on an heap by the body. 

10. He said, that soon after he left her, he met with a bear 
and he thought that bear might kill her, yet he would not go 
back to save her. 

11. He brake prison, and fled as far as Powder Horn Hill, 
and there hid himself out of the way, for fear of pursuit, and 
after, when he arose to go forward, he could not, but (as him- 
self confessed) was forced to return back to prison again. 

At his death he confessed he had made many lies to excuse 
himself, but denied that he had killed or ravished her. He was 
very loath to die, and had hope he should be reprieved ; but the 
court held him worthy of death, in undertaking the charge of a 

> Hampton, N. H. » Exeter, N. H. 


shiftless maid, and leaving her (when he might have done other- 
wise) in such a place as he knew she must needs perish, if not 
preserved by means unknown. Yet there were some ministers 
and others, who thought the evidence not sufficient to take 
away his life. 

(8.) (October) 7.] The Wren, a small pinnace, coming from 
Connecticut, was taken in a N. E. storm, and forced to anchor 
near Conyhassett, where she drave upon the rocks, and was 
wrecked, but all the men were saved. 

12.] A day of thanksgiving kept in all the churches for 
our victories against the Pequods, and for the success of the 
assembly ; but, by reason of this latter, some of Boston would 
not be present at the public exercises. The captains and sol- 
diers, who had been in the late service, were feasted, and, after 
the sermon, the magistrates and elders accompanied them to 
the door of the house where they dined. 

(9.) (November) 1.] Miantunnomoh, the Naragansett 
sachem, came to Boston. The governor, deputy, and treasurer, 
treated with him, and they parted upon fair terms. He ac- 
knowledged that all the Pequod country and Block Island were 
ours, and promised that he would not meddle with them but 
by our leave. We gave him leave to right himself for the 
wrongs which Janemoh and Wequash Cook had done him; 
and for the wrong they had done us, we would right ourselves 
in our own time. 

A young man, coming alone in a skiff from Newtown, in a 
N. E. storm of wind and snow, was found dead in his boat, 
with a half-crown piece in his mouth. 

One Jewell, master of a bark, was drowned. The manner 
was this. He was bound to the Isle of Sable, to reheve our men 
there. His bark had lain near a week at Natascott, waiting for 
him, but he staid at Boston drinking, and could not be gotten 
away. Mo. x. (December.) When he went, there was com- 
mitted to his care a rundlet of strong water, sent to some there, 
he promising, that upon his life, it should not be touched; 


but, as he went down in his bark's skiff, he went on shore at 
the castle, and there drank out about a gallon of it, and at 
night went away ; but, it being very cold and dark, they could 
not find their bark, and Jewell his hat falhng into the water, 
as they were rowing back to look for it, he fell into the water, 
near the shore, where it was not six feet deep, and could not be 

There was great hope that the late general assembly would 
have had some good effect in pacifying the troubles and dis- 
sensions about matters of rehgion; but it fell out otherwise. 
For though Mr. Wheelwright and those of his party had been 
clearly confuted and confoimded in the assembly, yet they 
persisted in their opinions, and were as busy in nourishing 
contentions (the principal of them) as before. Whereupon 
the general court, being assembled in the 2 of the 9th month 
{November), Siiid finding, upon consultation, that two so opposite 
parties could not contain in the same body, without apparent 
hazard of ruin to the whole, agreed to send away some of the 
principal; and for this a fair opportunity was offered by the 
remonstrance or petition, which they preferred to the court the 
9th of the 1st month (March), wherein they affirm Mr. Wheel- 
wright to be innocent, and that the court had condenmed the 
truth of Christ, with divers other scandalous and seditious 
speeches, (as appears at large in the proceedings of this court, 
which were faithfully collected and published soon after the 
court brake up,) subscribed by more than sixty of that faction, 
whereof one William Aspinwall, being one, and he that drew 
the said petition, being then sent as a deputy for Boston, was 
for the same dismissed, and after called to the court and dis- 
franchised and banished. John Coggeshall was another deputy, 
who, though his hand were not to the petition, yet, professing 
himself to approve it, etc., was also dismissed, and after dis- 
franchised. Then the court sent warrant to Boston to send 
other deputies in their room; but they intended to have sent 
the same men again ; but Mr. Cotton, coming amongst them, 


dissuaded them with much ado. Then the court sent for Mr. 
Wheelwright, and, he persisting to justify his sermon, and his 
whole practice and opinions, and refusing to leave either the 
place or his pubUc exercisings, he was disfranchised and ban- 
ished. Upon which he appealed to the king, but neither called 
witnesses, nor desired any act to be made of it. The court 
told him, that an appeal did not He; for by the king's grant 
we had power to hear and determine without any reservation, 
etc. So he relinquished his appeal, and the court gave him 
leave to go to his house, upon his promise, that, if he were not 
gone out of our jurisdiction within fourteen days, he would 
render himself to one of the magistrates. 

The court also sent for Mrs. Hutchinson, and charged her 
with divers matters, as her keeping two pubhc lectures every 
week in her house, whereto sixty or eighty persons did usually 
resort, and for reproaching most of the ministers (viz., all ex- 
cept Mr. Cotton) for not preaching a covenant of free grace, 
and that they had not the seal of the spirit, nor were able 
ministers of the New Testament; which were clearly proved 
against her, though she sought to shift it off. And, after many 
speeches to and fro, at last she was so full as she could not 
contain, but vented her revelations; amongst which this was 
one, that she had it revealed to her, that she should come into 
New England, and should here be persecuted, and that God 
would ruin us and our posterity, and the whole state, for the 
same. So the court proceeded and banished her ; but, because 
it was winter, they committed her to a private house, where 
she was well provided, and her own friends and the elders per- 
mitted to go to her, but none else. 

The court called also Capt. Underbill, and some five or 
six more of the principal, whose hands were to the said peti- 
tion; and because they stood to justify it, they were dis- 
franchised, and such as had public places were put from them. 

The court also ordered, that the rest, who had subscribed 
the petition, (and would not acknowledge their fault, and which 


near twenty of them did,) and some others, who had been 
chief stirrers in these contentions, etc., should be disarmed. 
This troubled some of them very much, especially because 
they were to bring them in themselves ; but at last, when they 
saw no remedy, they obeyed.* 

All the proceedings of this court against these persons 
were set down at large, with the reasons and other observa- 
tions, and were sent into England to be published there, to the 
end that all our godly friends might not be discouraged from 
coming to us, etc. 

* One almost wonders that the colony survived the agitations here narrated. 
Aspinwall, Coddington, Coggeshall, Underbill, Wheelwright, Mrs. Hutchinson 
and those of her name, and many others now subjected to discipline, were people 
of the first distinction. It is plain that Cotton, with his disposition toward 
liberality and his affection for many among the heretics, was in an agonized 
frame of mind; while Winthrop, who not long before had been reprimanded for 
his lenity, must have executed with acute suffering the sentences of the court. 
The social "Order seemed rocking to destruction, and if ever there is occasion to 
judge men with charity, it is found here. We quote a passage from the Colonial 
Records, I. 207: "Whereas the opinions and revelations of Mr. Wheelwright and 
Mrs. Hutchinson have seduced and led into dangerous errors many of the people 
heare in Newe England, insomuch as there is just cause of suspition that they, 
as others in Germany, in former times, may, upon some revelation, make some 
suddaine irruption upon those that differ from them in judgment: for prevention 
whereof, it is ordered, that all those whose names are underwritten shall (upon 
warning given or left at their dwelling houses) before the 30th day of this month 
of November, deliver in at Mr. Cane's house, at Boston, all such guns, pistols, 
swords, powder, shot, and match as they shall bee owners of, or have in their 
custody, upon paine of ten pound for evry default to bee made thereof; which 
armes are to bee kept by Mr. Cane till this court shall take further order therein. 
Also it is ordered, upon like penulty of XI, that no man who is to render his armes 
by this order shall buy or borrow any guns, swords, pistols, powder, shot, or 
match, untill this court shall take further order therein." A list of names of 
those disarmed throughout the colony follows, in which are many of the best. 


[The reference in the last sentence is to the Short Story of the 
Rise, Reign, and Ruin of the Antinomians, and Libertines that In- 
fected the Churches of New England (London, 1644), some extracts 
from which are here introduced. Although Savage maintained to 
the day of his death that the Short Story was the work of Thomas 
Welde, who from his Roxbury pastorate had gone to England in 1641, 
as agent of the colony, all other important authorities, Charles Deane, 
Samuel G. Drake, J. G. Palfrey, Joseph B. Felt, and Charles Francis 
Adams, assert confidently that it was the work of Winthrop, excepting 
the preface to which Thomas Welde signed his name. Mr. Adams 
in particular, who edited the document in 1894 for the Prince Society, 
appending to it two important papers, "The Examination of Anne 
Hutchinson," and "The Trial of Mrs. Hutchinson before the Church 
in Boston," treats the subject elaborately in his Introduction, declar- 
ing that the Short Story is as much a part of the Journal as the Journey 
to the Hebrides is part of Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson, and that 
separation is as inappropriate in one case as the other. 

In this edition the conclusion of the scholars mentioned is ac- 
cepted. Savage's persistent attribution of the authorship to Welde is 
to be regarded as a characteristic instance of that tenacity, which 
though often serviceable, was sometimes perverted and ran into un- 
reasonable obstinacy. The limits of this work forbid consideration 
of the question of the authorship of the Short Story, and also the 
printing of the document entire. We give only the more interesting 
and significant part, referring the seeker for fuller knowledge to books 
easily found. The whole text of the Short Story can be best studied 
in C. F. Adams's reprint, where the contemporary tracts bearing upon 
the matter are also given. In the same author's Three Episodes of 
Massachusetts History, the case of Anne Hutchinson is again treated, 
in the second division. Peter Oliver, Puritan Commonwealth, and 

^ The portion which we quote is on pp. 59-66 of the original, pp. 217-233 
of Mr. C. F. Adams's Prince Society volume, Antinomianism in the Colony of 
Massachusetts Bay (Boston, 1894). 


i^. m^p, n;>oe of the ^mimmkns, 
F^nmj^s c^ Lfc;;:;.-,digc iofcared she Cimches^ 

® ^ 
^ ^ 

^ Ana .loA' tiiey were confBfkl' bv the Aile.x.bV of i^^i I 

%i' -'^ Cc'iiT a(i!2ia.(t tiicm*' . ^. 

•*^ Cc'iiT agaia.(t tiicm* 
J Tcge'rh'er widi G.;i. sL^snle^ «rid rewariabli; judge 
* '""1"^ ?;■"■'? Heaven apon fomeof thsch'sf fop;rnt<-rs of*'' 

.-n^ carc-WKnciTe of ehe carrk-c of niattv-rs there. 

r • /.;, i , ;?^ '^5^" °^-"^- BiDkm ar/4»//X 


From a copy of the original edition in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) 


Brooks Adams, Emancipation of Massachusetts, handle the subject 
without sympathy for the party in power, while the intolerant Fathers 
receive at the hands of Palfrey treatment more judicial, and are sturdily 
championed by Henry M. Dexter, As to Roger Williams and his 
Banishment from the Massachusetts Plantation, and John A. Vinton, 
The Antiyiomian Controversy of 1637. 

A facsimile of the title-page of the Short Story is given in the present 

MiSTRis Hutchison being banished and confined, till the 
season of the yeere might be fit, and safe for her departure; 
she thought it now needlese to conceale herselfe any longer, 
neither would Satan lose the opportunity of making choyce 
of so fit an instrument, so long as any hope remained to 
attaine his mischievous end in darkning the saving truth of 
the Lord Jesus, and disturbing the peace of his Churches. 
Therefore she began now to discover all her mind to such as 
came to her, so that her opinions came abroad and began to 
take place among her old disciples, and now some of them 
raised up questions about the immortality of the soule, about 
the resurrection, about the morality of the Sabbath, and divers 
others, which the Elders finding to begin to appeare in some 
of their Churches, they took much paines (both in publike 
and private) to suppresse; and following the sent from one 
to another, the root of all was found to be in Mistris Hutchison ; 
whereupon they resorted to her many times, labouring to 
convince her, but in vaine; yet they resorted to her still, 
to the end they might either reclaime her from her errours, 
or that they might bear witnesse against them if occasion 
were : For in a meeting of the Magistrates and Elders, about 
suppressing these new sprung errours, the Elders of Boston 
had declared their readinesse to deale with Mistris Hutchison 
in a Church way, if they had sufficient testimony: for though 
she had maintained some of them sometimes before them, yet 
they thought it not so orderly to come in as witnesses ; where- 
upon other of the Elders, and others collecting which they had 
heard from her owne mouth at severall times, drew them into 

244 "A SHORT STORY " [1637 

severall heads, and sent them to the Church of Boston, where- 
upon the Church (with leave of the Magistrates, because she 
was a prisoner) sent for her to appeare upon a Lecture day, 
being the fifteenth of the first moneth, and though she were 
at her owne house in the Towne, yet she came not into the 
Assembly till the Sermon and Prayer were ended, (pretending 
bodily infirmity). When she was come, one of the ruling 
Elders called her forth before the Assembly (which was very 
great from all the parts of the Countrey), and telling her the 
cause why the Church had called her, read the severall heads, 
which were as followeth. 

1. That the soules of all men (in regard of generation) 
are mortall hke the beasts, Eccl. 3. 8. 

2. That in regard of Christs purchase they are immortall, 
so that Christ hath purchased the soules of the wicked 
to etemall paine, and the soules of the elect to eternall 

3. Those who are united to Christ have in this life new 
bodies, and 2 bodies, 1 Cor. 6. 19. she knowes not how Jesus 
Christ should be united to this our fleshly bodies. 

4. Those who have union with Christ, shall not rise with 
the same fleshly bodies, 1 Cor. 15. 44. 

5. And that the resurrection mentioned there, and in 
John 5. 28. is not meant of the resurrection of the body, but 
of our union here and after this life. 

6. That there are no created graces in the Saints after 
their union with Christ, but before there are, for Christ takes 
them out of their hands into his owne. 

7. There are no created graces in the humane nature 
of Christ, but he was onely acted by the power of the God- 

8. The Image of God wherein Adam was made, she could 
see no Scripture to warrant that it consisted in hohnesse, but 
conceived it to be in that he was made like to Christs man- 


9. She had no Scripture to warrant that Christs manhood 
is now in Heaven, but the body of Christ is his Church. 

10. We are united to Christ with the same union, that his 
humanity on earth was with the Deity, Jo. 17. 21. 

11. She conceived the Disciples before Christ his death 
were not converted, Matth. 18. 3. 

12. There is no evidence to be had of our good estate, 
either from absolute or conditionall promises. 

13. The Law is no rule of life to a Christian. 

14. There is no Kingdome of Heaven in Scripture but 
onely Christ. 

15. There is first engrafling into Christ before union, from 
which a man might fall away. 

16. The first thing God reveales to assure us is om- election. 

17. That Abraham was not in a saving estate till the 22. 
chap, of Gen. when hee offered Isaac, and saving the firme- 
nesse of Gods election, he might have perished notwithstanding 
any work of grace that was wrought in him till then. 

18. That union to Christ is not by faith. 

19. That all commands in the word are Law, and are not 
a way of life, and the command of faith is a Law, and there- 
fore killeth; she supposed it to be a Law from Rom. Z. 21. 

20. That there is no faith of Gods elect but assurance, 
there is no faith of dependance but such as an hypocrite may 
have and fall away from, proved John 15. for by that she said 
they are in Christ, but Christ is not in them. 

21. That an hypocrite may have Adams righteousnesse 
and perish, and by that righteousnes he is bound to the Law, 
but in union with Christ, Christ comes into the man, and he 
retaines the seed, and dieth, and then all manner of grace in 
himself e, but all in Christ. 

22. There is no such thing as inherent righteousness. 

23. We are not bound to the Law, no not as a rule of life. 

24. We are dead to all acts in spirit uall things, and are 
onely acted by Christ. 

246 "A SHORT STORY" [1637 

25. Not being bound to the Law, it is not transgression 
against the Law to sinne, or breake it, because our sinnes 
they are inward and spirituall, and so are exceeding sinfull, 
and onely are against Christ. 

26. Sanctification can be no evidence at all of our good 

27. That her particuler revelations about future events 
are as infalUble as any part of Scripture, and that she is bound 
as much to believe them, as the Scripture, for the same holy 
Ghost is the author of them both. 

28. That so farre as a man is in union with Christ, he can 
doe no duties perfectly, and without the communion of the 
unregenerate part with the regenerate. 

29. That such exhortations as these, to worke out our 
salvation with feare, to make our calling and election sure, 
&c. are spoken onely to such, as are under a Covenant of 

All which she did acknowledge she had spoken, (for a coppy 
of them had been sent to her divers dayes before, and the 
witnesses hands subscribed, so as she saw it was in vaine to 
deny them). Then she asked by what rule such an Elder 
could come to her pretending to desire light, and indeede to 
entrappe her, to which the same Elder answered that he had 
beene twice with her, and that he told her indeed at St. Ives, 
that he had beene troubled at some of her speeches in the 
Court, wherein he did desire to see light for the ground and 
meaning of them, but he professed in the presence of the Lord, 
that he came not to entrap her, but in compassion to her 
Soule, to helpe her out of those snares of the Devill, wherein 
he saw she was entangled, and that before his departure from 
her he did beare witnesse against her opinions, and against 
her spirit, and did leave it sadly upon her from the word of 
God ; then presently she grew into passion against her Pastor* 
for his speech against her at the Court after the sentence was 

* John Wilson. 


passed, which he gave a full answer unto, shewing his zeale 
against her errors, whereupon she asked for what errors she 
had beene banished, professing withall that she held none 
of these things she was now charged with, before her imprison- 
ment; (supposing that whatsoever should be found amisse, 
would be imputed to that, but it was answered as the truth 
was, that she was not put to durance, but onely a favourable 
confinement, so as all of her Family and divers others, resorted 
to her at their pleasure). But this allegation was then proved 
false, (and at her next convention more fully) for there were 
divers present, who did know she spake untruth. Her 
answer being demanded to the first Articles, she maintained her 
assertion that the Soules were mortall, &c. alledging the place 
in the Eccles. cited in the Article, and some other Scriptures 
nothing to the purpose, she insisted much upon that in Gen. 1. 
In the day thou eatest, &c. thou shalt dye, she could not see 
how a Soule could be immortally miserable, though it might 
be eternally miserable, neither could shee distinguish betweene 
the Soule and the Life ; and though she were pressed by many 
Scriptures and reasons alleadged by the Elders of the same, 
and other Churches, so as she could not give any answer to 
them, yet she stood to her opinion, till at length a stranger^ 
being desired to speake to the point, and hee opening to her 
the difference betweene the Soule and the Life, the first being 
a spirituall substance, and the other the union of that with the 
body ; she then confessed she saw more light then before, and 
so with some difficulty was brought to confesse her error in 
that point. Wherein was to be observed that though he spake 

* "The 'stranger' was probably the Rev. John Davenport, at the time a 
guest of John Cotton. ... He came to New England in 1637, reaching 
Boston on the 26th of June, in the midst of the Antinomian excitement. He 
took an active part in the Cambridge Synod of the following September; but 
in March, 1638, at the time of the occurrence of the events referred to in the 
text, having perfected all his arrangements, was about to migrate to Connecticut 
in company with many of those who had come with him from England, being, 
in the language of Cotton Mather, 'more fit for Zebulon's ports than for Issa- 
char's tents.'" (C. F. Adams.) 

248 "A SHORT STORY" [1637 

to very good purpose, and so clearely convinced her as she 
could not gainsay, yet it was evident shee was convinced be- 
fore, but she could not give the honour of it to her owne Pastor 
or teacher, nor to any of the other Elders, whom she had so 
much slighted. 

Then they proceeded to the third, fourth, and fifth Arti- 
cles, about the body and the resurrection of the dead, which 
she maintained according to the Articles, and though shee 
were not able to give any reasonable answer to the many 
places of the Scripture, and other arguments which were 
brought to convince her, yet shee still persisted in her errour, 
giving froward speeches to some that spake to her, as when 
one of the Elders used this argument, that if the resurrection 
were only our union with Christ, then all that are united, are 
the children of the resurrection, and therefore are neither 
to marry, nor to give in marriage, and so by consequence, 
there ought to be community of women; shee told him that 
hee spake like the Pharisees, who said that Christ had a devill, 
because that Abraham were dead and the Prophets, and yet 
hee had said, that those which eate his flesh, should never 
dye, not taking the speech in the true meaning, so did hee 
(said shee) who brought that argument, for it is said there, 
they should bee like the Angels, &c. The Elders of Boston 
finding her thus obstinate, propounded to the Church for an 
admonition to bee given her, to which all the Church consented, 
except two of her sons, who because they persisted to defend 
her, were under admonition also. Mr. Cotton gave the ad- 
monition, and first to her sons, laying it sadly upon them, that 
they would give such way to their naturall affection, as for 
preserving her honour, they should make a breach upon the 
honour of Christ, and upon their Covenant with the Church, 
and withall teare the very bowels of their soule, by hardning 
her in her sin: In this admonition to her, first, hee remem- 
bred her of the good way shee was in at her first comming, 
in helping to discover to divers, the false bottom they stood 


upon, in trusting to legall works without Christ; then hee 
shewed her, how by falling into these grosse and fundamental! 
errors, she had lost the honour of her former service, and 
done more wrong to Christ and his Church, then formerly 
shee had done good, and so laid her sin to her conscience 
with much zeale and solemnity. Hee admonished her also 
of the height of spirit, then hee spake to the sisters of the 
Church, and advised them to take heed of her opinions, and 
to with-hold all countenance and respects from her, lest they 
should harden her in her sin: so shee was dismissed and 
appointed to appeare againe that day sevennight. 

The Court had ordered that shee should return to Rox- 
bury again, but upon intimation that her spirit began to fall, 
shee was permitted to remain at Mr. Cottons house (where 
Davenport was also kept) who before her next appearing, 
did both take much pains with her, and prevailed so far, that 
shee did acknowledge her errour in all the Articles (except 
the last) and accordingly she wrote down her answers to 
them all. When the day came, and shee was called forth 
and the Articles read again to her, shee delivered in her 
answers in writing, which were also read, and being then 
willing to speak to the Congregation for their further satis- 
faction, shee did acknowledge that shee had greatly erred, and 
that God had left her to her self herein, because she had so 
much under-natured his Ordinances, both in slighting the 
Magistrates at the Court, and also the Elders of the Church, 
and confessed that when shee was at the Court, shee looked 
only at such failings as shee apprehended in the Magistrates 
proceedings, without having regard to the place they were in, 
and that the speeches shee then used about her revelations 
were rash, and without ground, and shee desired the prayers 
of the Church for her. 

Thus farre shee went on well, and the Assembly conceived 
hope of her repentance, but in her answers to the severall 
articles, shee gave no satisfaction, because in diverse of them 

250 "A SHORT STORY" [1637 

shee answered by circumlocutions, and seemed to lay all the 
faults in her expressions, which occasioned some of the Elders 
to desire she might expresse her self more cleerly, and for 
that ever shee was demanded about the Article, whether 
she were not, or had not been of that judgement, that there 
is no inherent righteousnesse in the Saints, but those gifts 
and graces which are ascribed to them that are only in Christ 
as the subject? to which shee answered, that shee was never 
of that judgement, howsoever by her expressions shee might 
seem to bee so; and this shee affirmed with such confidence 
as bred great astonishment in many, who had known the 
contrary, and diverse alledged her own sayings and reason- 
ings, both before her confinement and since, which did mani- 
fest to all that were present, that shee knew that shee spake 
untruth, for it was proved that shee had alledged that in 
Esay ^53. By his knowledge shall my righteous servant 
justifie many; which shee had maintained to bee meant of a 
knowledge in Christ, and not in us; so hkewise that in Gala- 
tians,^ I live by the faith of the Son of God, which shee said 
was the faith of Christ, and not any faith inherent in us; 
also, that shee had maintained, that Christ is our sanctifica- 
tion in the same sort that hee is our justification, and that 
shee had said, that shee would not pray for grace, but for 
Christ, and that (when she had been pressed with diverse 
Scriptures, which spake of washing and creating a new heart, 
and writing the Law in the heart, etc.) shee had denyed, that 
they did mean any sanctification in us: There were diverse 
v/omen also with whom shee had dealt about the same point, 
who (if their modesty had not restrained them) would have 
born witnesse against her herein (as themselves after confessed), 
wherefore the Elders pressed her very earnestly to remember 
her self, and not to stand so obstinately to maintain so mani- 
fest an untruth, but she was deafe of that eare, and would not 
acknowledge that shee had been at any time of that judge- 

> Isaiah. ' ii. 20. 


ment, howsoever her expressions were ; Then Mr. Cotton told 
the Assembly, that whereas shee had been formerly dealt with 
for matter of doctrine, he had (according to the duty of his 
place being the teacher of that Church) proceeded against 
imto admonition, but now the case being altered, and she 
being in question for maintaining of untruth, which is matter 
of manners, he must leave the businesse to the Pastor, Mr. 
Wilson, to goe on with her, but withall declared his judge- 
ment in the case from that in Revel. 22. that such as make and 
maintaine a lye, ought to be cast out of the Church; and 
whereas two or three pleaded that she might first have a second 
admonition, according to that in Titus 3. 10.^ he answered 
that that was onely for such as erred in point of doctrine, but 
such as shall notoriously offend in matter of conversation, 
ought to be presently cast out, as he proved by Ananias and 
Saphira,^ and the incestuous Corinthian;' (and as appeares 
by that of Simon Magus) * and for her owne part though she 
heard this moved in her behalfe, that she might have a further 
respite, yet she her self e never desired it : so the Pastor went 
on, and propounding it to the Church, to know whether they 
were all agreed, that she should be cast out, and a full consent 
appearing (after the usuall manner) by their silence, after a 
convenient pause he proceeded, and denounced the sentence 
of excommunication against her, and she was commanded to 
depart out of the Assembly. In her going forth, one standing 
at the dore, said. The Lord sanctifie this unto you, to whom 
she made answer. The Lord judgeth not as man judgeth, better 
to be cast out of the Church then to deny Christ. 

Thus it hath pleased the Lord to have compassion of his 
poore Churches here, and to discover this great imposter, 
an instnmient of Satan so fitted and trained to his service 
for interrupting the passage [of the] Kingdome in this part of 
the world, and poysoning the Churches here planted, as no 

* "A man that is an heretick after the first and second admonition reject." 
'Acts, V. 1-11. ' 1 Corinthians, V. 5. * Acts, viii. 18-24. 

252 "A SHORT STORY" [1637 

story records the like of a woman, since that mentioned in the 
Revelation] it would make a large volume to lay downe all 
passages, I will onely observe some few, which were obvious to 
all that knew her course. 

(1. Her entrance. 
1. In her entrance I observe, (2. Her progresse. 

(3. Her downfall. 

1. The foundation she laid was (or rather seemed to be) 
Christ and Free-Grace. 

2. Rule she pretended to walke by, was onely the Scripture. 

3. The light to disceme this rule, was onely the holy Ghost. 

4. The persons she conversed with were (for the most 
part) Christians in Church Covenant. 

5. Her ordinary talke was about the things of the King- 
dome of God. 

6. Her usuall conversation was in the way of righteous- 
nesse and kindnesse. 

Thus she entred and made up the first act of her course. 

In her progresse I observe, 

First, her successe, she had in a short time insinuated her 
selfe into the hearts of much of the people (yea of many of the 
most wise and godly) who grew into so reverent an esteeme of 
her godlinesse, and spirituall gifts, as they looked at her as a 
Prophetesse, raised up of God for some great worke now at 
hand, as the calUng of the Jewes, &c. so as she had more resort 
to her for counsell about matter of conscience, and clearing 
up mens spirituall estates, then any Minister (I might say all 
the Elders) in the Country. 

Secondly, Pride and Arraigning of her spirit. 

1. In framing a new way of conversation and evidencing 
thereof, carried along in the distinction betweene the Covenant 
of workes, which she would have no otherwise differenced, 
but by an immediate Revelation of the Spirit. 

2. In despising all (both Elders and Christians) who went 
not her way, and laying them under a Covenant of workes. 


3. In taking upon her infallibly to know the election of 
others, so as she would say, that if she had but one halfe 
houres talke with a man, she would tell whether he were 
elect or not. 

4. Her impatience of opposition, which appeares in divers 
passages before. 

Thirdly, Her skill and cimning to devise. 

1. In that she still pretended she was of Mr. Cottons 
judgement in all things. 

2. In covering her errors by doubtfull expressions. 

3. In shadowing the true end, and abuse of her weekely 
meetings under the name of repeating Mr. Cottons Sermons. 

4. In her method of practise to bring the conscience under 
a false terror, by working that an argument of a Covenant of 
workes, which no Christian can have comfort without, viz. 
of sanctification, or qualifications, (as she termed it.) 

5. In her confident profession of her owne good estate, and 
the clearnesse and comfort of it, obtained in the same way of 
waiting for immediate Revelation which she held out to others. 

In her downefall there may be observed the Lords faith- 
fulnesse in honouring and justifying his owne Ordinances. 

1. In that hee made her to cleare the justice of the Court, 
by confessing the vanity of her revelations, &c. and her 
sinne in despising his Ministers. 

2. In that the judgement and sentence of the Church hath 
concurred with that of the Court in her rejection, so that 
she is cast out of both as an unworthy member of either. 

3. The Justice of God in giving her up to those delusions, 
and to that impudency in venting and maintaining them, as 
should bring her under that censure, which (not long before) 
she had endeavoured and expected to have brought upon some 
other, who opposed her proceedings. 

4. That she who was in such esteeme in the Church for 
soundnesse of Judgement and sincerity of heart (but a few 
moneths before) should now come under admonition for 

254 "A SHORT STORY" [1637 

many foule and fundamental! errors, and after be cast out 
for notorious lying. 

5. That shee who was wont to bee so confident of her 
spirituall good estate, and ready (undesired) to hold it forth 
to others (being pressed now at her last appearance before 
the Church to give some proofs of it) should bee wholly silent 
in that matter. 

6. Whereas upon the sentence of the Court against her, 
shee boasted highly of her sufferings for Christ, &c. it was 
noted by one of the Elders (who bare witnesse against her 
errors) that the spirit of glory promised in Pet.^ to those who 
suffer for well-doing, did not come upon her, but a spirit of 
delusion, and damnable error, which as it had possessed her 
before, so it became more effectuall and evident by her suf- 

7. Here is to bee seen the presence of God in his Ordi- 
nances, when they are faithfully attended according to his 
holy will, although not free from human infirmities: This 
American Jesabel kept her strength and reputation, even 
among the people of God, till the hand of Civill Justice laid 
hold on her, and then shee began evidently to decline, and 
the faithfull to bee freed from her forgeries; and now in this 
last act, when shee might have expected (as most likely shee 
did) by her seeming repentance of her errors, and confessing 
her undervaluing of the Ordinances of Magistracy and Min- 
istracy, to have redeemed her reputation in point of sincerity, 
and yet have made good all her former work, and kept open 
a back doore to have returned to her vomit again, by her 
paraphrasticall retractions, and denying any change in her 
judgement, yet such was the presence and blessing of God in 
his own Ordinance, that this subtilty of Satan was discovered 
to her utter shame and confusion, and to the setting at liberty 
of many godly hearts, that had been captivated by her to 
that day; and that Church which by her means was brought 

1 1 Peter, iii. 17; iv. 14. 


under much infamy, and neere to dissolution, was hereby 
sweetly repaired, and a hopefull way of establishment, and 
her dissembled repentance cleerly detected, God giving her 
up since the sentence of excommunication, to that hardnesse 
of heart, as shee is not affected with any remorse, but glories 
in it, and feares not the vengeance of God, which she lyes 
under, as if God did work contrary to his own word, and 
loosed from heaven, while his Church had bound upon earth/ 

• As to the accounts in the History and the Short Story Mr. Adams remarks: 
"The inference is strong that both accounts were prepared by the same hand; 
but while that in the Short Story was written at once and hurried off to Enoland 
in some vessel then about to sail, that in the History was set down subsequently 
and more at leisure. This also would account for the greater warmth of expres- 
sion in the Short Story — a thing not characteristic of Winthrop." 


After this, many of the church of Boston, being highly- 
offended with the governor for this proceeding,* were earnest 
with the elders to have him called to account for it; but they 
were not forward in it, and himself, understanding their intent, 
thought fit to prevent such a pubhc disorder, and so took occa- 
sion to speak to the congregation to this effect: — 

1. That if he had been called, etc., he would have desired, 
first, to have advised with the elders, whether the church had 
power to call in question the proceedings of the civil court. 

2. He would have consulted with the rest of the court, 
whether he might discover the counsels of the court to this 

3. Though he knew, that the elders and some others did 
know, that the church could not inquire into the justice and 
proceedings of the court, etc. ; yet, for the satisfaction of such 
as did not, and were willing to be satisfied, he would declare 
his mind herein. 

4. He showed, that, if the church had such power, they 
must have it from Christ, but Christ had disclaimed it in his 
practice and by rule, as Luke [blank,] Matt, [blank'] and the 
scripture holds not out any rule or example for it ; and though 
Christ's kingly power be in his church, yet that is not that 
kingly power whereby he is King of kings and Lord of lords, 
for by that kings reign and princes, etc. It is true, indeed, that 
magistrates, as they are church members, are accountable to 
the church for their failings, but that is when they are out of 
their calling ; for we have examples of the highest magistrates 
in the same kind, as Uzzia, when he would go offer incense in 
the temple, the officers of the church called him to account, and 

' The proceedings of the court against the Hutchinsonians. 


withstood him. But when Asa put a prophet in prison, and 
when Salam put out Abiathar from the priesthood, (the one 
being a good act and the other ill,) yet the officers of the church 
did not call either of them to account for it. If a magistrate 
shall, in a private way, take away a man's goods or his servants, 
etc., the church may call him to accoimt for it; but if he doth 
thus in pursuing a course of justice, (though the thing be un- 
just,) yet he is not accountable, etc. 

5. For himself, he did nothing in the cases of the brethren, 
but by the advice and direction of our teacher and other of the 
elders. For in the oath, which was administered to him and 
the rest, etc., there was inserted, by his advice, this clause, — 
In all causes wherein you are to give your vote, etc., you are to 
give your vote as in your judgment and conscience you shall 
see to be most for the pubhc good, etc. ; and so for his part he 
was persuaded, that it would be most for the glory of God, and 
the public good, to pass sentence as they did. 

6. He would give them one reason, which was a ground 
for his judgment, and that was, for that he saw, that those 
brethren, etc., were so divided from the rest of the country in 
their judgment and practice, as it could not stand with the 
public peace, that they should continue amongst us. So, by 
the example of Lot in Abraham's family, and after Hagar and 
Ishmael, he saw they must be sent away.^ 

* Winthrop's justification of himself is interesting as coming from one 
naturally candid and gentle who in a great strait, in a fierce contest between 
liberal and illiberal minds, provides for the public good as well as he can accord- 
ing to his lights. 


Mo. 11 (January).] The church at Roxbury dealt with 
divers of their members, (who had their hands to the petition,) 
and spent many days in public meetings to have brought them 
to see their sin in that, as also in the corrupt opinions which 
they held, but could not prevail with them. So they pro- 
ceeded to two or three admonitions, and, when all was in 
vain, they cast them out of the church. In their dealing with 
them, they took some of them in plain hes and other foul 

9.] Divers of the elders went to Weymouth, to reconcile the 
differences between the people and Mr. Jenner, whom they 
had called thither with intent to have him their pastor. They 
had good success of their prayers. 

13.] About thirty persons of Boston going out in a fair day 
to Spectacle Island to cut wood, (the town being in great want 
thereof,) the next night the wind rose so high at N. E. with 
snow, and after at N. W. for two days, and then it froze so hard, 
as the bay was all frozen up, save a little channel. In this 
twelve of them gate to the Governor's Garden, and seven more 
were carried in the ice in a small skiff out at Broad Sound, and 
kept among Brewster's Rocks, without food or fire, two days, 
and then the wind forbearing, they gate to Pullin Point, to a 
little house there of Mr. Aspenwall's. Three of them gate home 
the next day over the ice, but their hands and feet frozen. 
Some lost their fingers and toes, and one died. The rest went 
from Spectacle Island to the main, but two of them fell into 
the ice, yet recovered again.* 

In this extremity of weather, a small pinnace was cast away 

* Since most of the localities of Boston harbor retain the old names, the story 
will be easily followed, 



upon Long Island by Natascott, but the men were saved and 
came home upon the ice. 

16.] The powder and arms of the country, which were kept 
at Boston, were, by order of the last court, carried to Roxbury 
and Newtown. 

This year a plantation was begun at Tecticutt by a gentle- 
woman, an ancient maid, one Mrs. Poole. She went late 
thither, and endured much hardship, and lost much cattle. 
Called, after, Taunton.^ 

Another plantation was begun (and called Sandwich) 
about fifteen miles beyond Plymouth, towards Cape Cod, by 
many families, which removed from Sagus, otherwise L3nin. 

Upon occasion of the censures of the court upon Mrs. 
Hutchinson and others, divers other foul errors were discov- 
ered, which had been secretly carried by way of inquiry, but 
after were maintained by Mrs. Hutchinson and others ; and so 
many of Boston were tainted with them, as Mr. Cotton, finding 
how he had been abused, and made (as himself said) their 
stalking horse, (for they pretended to hold nothing but what 
Mr. Cotton held, and himself did think the same,) did spend 
most of his time, both publicly and privately, to discover those 
errors, and to reduce such as were gone astray. And also the 
magistrates, calling together such of the elders as were near, 
did spend two days in consulting with them about the way to 
help the growing evils. 

Some of the secret opinions were these : — 

That there is no inherent righteousness in a child of God. 

That neither absolute nor conditional promises belong to 
a Christian. 

That we are not bound to the law, not as a rule, etc. 

That the Sabbath is but as other days. 

That the soul is mortal, till it be united to Christ, and then 
it is annihilated, and the body also, and a new given by Christ. 

That there is no resurrection of the body. 

* The foundress is still held in honor in Taunton. 


Mo. 12 (February).] Divers gentlemen and others, being 
joined in a military company, desired to be made a corporation, 
etc. But the council, considering (from the example of the 
Pretorian band among the Romans, and the Templars in Eu- 
rope) how dangerous it might be to erect a standing authority of 
mihtary men, which might easily, in time, overthrow the civil 
power, thought fit to stop it betimes. Yet they were allowed 
to be a company, but subordinate to all authority.* 

About this time the Indians, which were in our famiUes, 
were much frightened with Hobbamock (as they call the 
devil) appearing to them in divers shapes, and persuading them 
to forsake the English, and not to come at the assembUes, 
nor to learn to read, etc. 

26.] Mr. Peirce, in the Salem ship, the Desire, returned 
from the West Indies after seven months. He had been at 
Providence,^ and brought some cotton, and tobacco, and ne- 
groes, etc., from thence, and salt from Tertugos. Dry fish 
and strong hquors are the only commodities for those parts. 
He met there two men-of-war, set forth by the lords, etc., of 
Providence' with letters of mart, who had taken divers prizes 
from the Spaniard, and many negroes. 

Mo. 1 (March).] While Mrs. Hutchinson continued at Rox- 
bury, divers of the elders and others resorted to her, and finding 
her to persist in maintaining those gross errors beforemen- 
tioned, and many others, to the number of thirty or thereabout, 
some of them wrote to the church at Boston, offering to make 
proof of the same before the church, etc., 15; whereupon she 
was called, (the magistrates being desired to give her Hcense 
to come,) and the lecture was appointed to begin at ten. (The 
general court being then at Newtown, the governor and the 
treasurer, being members of Boston, were permitted to come 

' Here we have the origin of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, 
still a cherished and flourishing organization. 

' In the Caribbean. We here have plain evidence of a trade in slaves. 
' See ante, p. 228, note 1. 


down, but the rest of the court continued at Newtown.) 
When she appeared, the errors were read to her. The first 
was, that the souls of men are mortal by generation, but, after, 
made immortal by Christ's purchase. This she maintained a 
long time ; but at length she was so clearly convinced by rea- 
son and scripture, and the whole church agreeing that sufRcient 
had been dehvered for her conviction, that she yielded she had 
been in an error. Then they proceeded to three other errors: 
1. That there was no resurrection of these bodies, and that 
these bodies were not united to Christ, but every person united 
hath a new body, etc. These were also clearly confuted, but 
yet she held her own ; so as the chiirch (all but two of her sons) 
agreed she should be admonished, and because her sons would 
not agree to it, they were admonished also. 

Mr. Cotton pronoimced the sentence of admonition with 
great solemnity, and with much zeal and detestation of her 
errors and pride of spirit.^ The assembly continued till eight at 
night, and all did acknowledge the special presence of God's 
spirit therein; and she was appointed to appear again the 
next lecture day. 

While the general court sate, there came a letter, directed 
to the court, from John Greene of Providence, who, not long 
before, had been imprisoned and fined, for saying that the 

* Nothing in Cotton's life is so hard to excuse as his pronouncing sentence 
at this time upon Anne Hutchinson. Her affection for him brought her across 
the sea; it was under his ministrations that her ideas developed; while con- 
demning the teaching of the ministers in general, she always made an exception 
of him. On his side, too, his sympathy with her was so strong that his standing 
had been much imperilled. It would be wrong to believe that in turning against 
her now he was selfishly thinking of himself. In his honest opinion she had gone 
too far, endangering the material and spiritual welfare of her environment. The 
situation is full of pathos. The strong, well-purposed man, bound by many 
limitations, yearning no doubt toward the pupil he had moulded, but alarmed 
at her perverseness, sits in the judgment-seat confronting the enthusiast against 
whom the world is turning. Though many of her utterances are scarcely in- 
telligible to modern readers, an occasional light breaks forth of wisdom before 
her age; she was brave, sincere, and possessed of womanly sweetness. The 
world will always with tender thoughts follow her sad fortunes to their tragic 


magistrates had usurped upon the power of Christ in his 
church, and had persecuted Mr. WiUiams and another, whom 
they had banished for disturbing the peace by divulging their 
opinions against the authority of the magistrates, etc.; but 
upon his submission, etc., his fine was remitted; and now, by 
his letter, he retracted his former submission, and charged the 
court as he had done before. Now, because the court knew, that 
divers others of Providence were of the same ill affection to 
the court, and were probably suspected to be confederate in 
the same letter, the court ordered, that, if any of that planta- 
tion were found within our jurisdiction, he should be brought 
before one of the magistrates, and if he would not disclaim the 
charge in the said letter, he should be sent home, and charged 
to come no more into this jurisdiction, upon pain of imprison- 
ment and further censure.^ 

At this court, divers of our chief mihtary officers, who had 
declared themselves favorers of the famihstical persons and 
opinions, were sent for, and being told, that the court having 
some jealousy of them for the same, and therefore did desire 
some good satisfaction from them, they did ingenuously ac- 
knowledge, how they had been deceived and misled by the 
pretence, which was held forth, of advancing Christ, and 
debasing the creature, etc., which since they have found to be 
otherwise, and that their opinions and practices tended to dis- 
turbance and delusions; and so blessed God, that had so timely 
discovered their error and danger to them. 

At this court, a committee was appointed, of some magis- 
trates, some ministers, and some others, to compile a body of 
fundamental laws. 

Also the elders (who had been requested to deliver their 
judgments concerning the law of adultery, about which three 
had been kept long in prison) returned their answer, with the 
reasons thereof, to this effect : That, if the law had been suffi- 

' From John Greene was descended the revolutionary general Nathaniel 


ciently published, they ought to be put to death.* Whereupon 
the court, considering that there had been some defect in that 
point, and especially for that it had been oft questioned among 
the deputies and others, whether that law were of force or not, 
being made by the court of assistants by allowance of the 
general court ; therefore it was thought safest, that these three 
persons should be whipped and banished; and the law was 
confirmed and published. 

The Castle Island being found to be very chargeable to 
maintain the garrison there, and of Httle use, but only to have 
some conunand of ships, which should come hither with pas- 
sengers, etc., there was a committee appointed to dispose of 
the ammunition there, etc. 

22.] Mrs. Hutchinson appeared again; (she had been 
licensed by the court, in regard she had given hope of her re- 
pentance, to be at Mr. Cotton's house, that both he and Mr. 
Davenport might have the more opportunity to deal with her ;) 
and the articles being again read to her, and her answer re- 
quired, she delivered it in writing, wherein she made a retracta- 
tion of near all, but with such explanations and circumstances 
as gave no satisfaction to the church; so as she was required 
to speak further to them. Then she declared, that it was just 
with God to leave her to herself, as he had done, for her slight- 
ing his ordinances, both magistracy and ministry; and con- 
fessed that what she had spoken against the magistrates at the 
court (by way of revelation) was rash and ungrounded; and 
desired the church to pray for her. This gave the church good 
hope of her repentance; but when she was examined about 
some particulars, as that she had denied inherent righteous- 
ness, etc., she affirmed that it was never her judgment; and 
though it was proved by many testimonies, that she had been 
of that judgment, and so had persisted, and maintained it by 
argument against divers, yet she impudently persisted in her 

*The reference is to a law passed in October, 1631, providing death for 
both parties, 


affirmation, to the astonishment of all the assembly. So that, 
after much time and many arguments had been spent to bring 
her to see her sin, but all in vain, the church, with one consent, 
cast her out. Some moved to have her admonished once 
more ; but, it being for manifest evil in matter of conversation, 
it was agreed otherwise ; and for that reason also the sentence 
was denounced by the pastor, matter of manners belonging 
properly to his place. 

After she was excommunicated, her spirits, which seemed 
before to be somewhat dejected, revived again, and she gloried 
in her sufferings, saying, that it was the greatest happiness, next 
to Christ, that ever befel her. Indeed, it was a happy day to 
the churches of Christ here, and to many poor souls, who had 
been seduced by her, who, by what they heard and saw that 
day, were (through the grace of God) brought off quite from 
her errors, and settled again in the truth. 

At this time the good providence of God so disposed, divers 
of the congregation (being the chief men of the party, her hus- 
band being one) were gone to Naragansett to seek out a new 
place for plantation, and taking liking of one in Plymouth 
patent, they went thither to have it granted them; but the 
magistrates there, knowing their spirit, gave them a denial, 
but consented they might buy of the Indians an island in the 
Naragansett Bay.* 

After two or three days, the governor sent a warrant to Mrs. 
Hutchinson to depart this jurisdiction before the last of this 
month, according to the order of court, and for that end set her 
at liberty from her former constraint, so as she was not to go 
forth of her own house till her departure; and upon the 28th 
she went by water to her farm at the Mount, where she was 
to take water, with Mr. Wheelwright's wife and family, to go 
to Pascataquack ; but she changed her mind, and went by land 
to Providence, and so to the island in the Naragansett Bay, 

^ Here we find the beginnings of the colony of Rhode Island as distinguished 
from Providence, to which we have seen Roger Williams depart. 


which her husband and the rest of that sect had purchased of 
the Indians, and prepared with all speed to remove unto. 
For the court had ordered, that, except they were gone with 
their famiHes by such a time, they should be summoned to the 
general court, etc. 

30.] Mr. Davenport and Mr. Prudden, and a brother of Mr. 
Eaton, (being ministers also,) went by water to Quinepiack; 
and with them many families removed out of this jurisdiction 
to plant in those parts, being much taken with the opinion of 
the fruitfulness of that place, and more safety (as they con- 
ceived) from danger of a general governor, who was feared to 
be sent this summer; which, though it were a great weakening 
to these parts, yet we expected to see a good providence of God 
in it, (for all possible means had been used to accommodate 
them here; Charlestown offered them largely, Newbury their 
whole town, the court any place which was free,) both for pos- 
sessing those parts which lay open for an enemy, and for 
strengthening our friends at Connecticut, and for making room 
here for many, who were expected out of England this year, 
and for diverting the thoughts and intentions of such in 
England as intended evil against us, whose designs might 
be frustrate by our scatterings so far; and such as were now 
gone that way were as much in the eye of the state of England 
as we here.^ 

There came letters from Connecticut to the governor of the 
Massachusetts, to desire advice from the magistrates and elders 
here about Sequin and the Indians of the river, who had, un- 
derhand, (as was conceived,) procured the Pequods to do that 
onslaught at Weathersfield the last year. The case fell out 
to be this: Sequin gave the Enghsh land there, upon con- 
tract that he might sit down by them, and be protected, etc. 
When he came to Weathersfield, and had set down his wigwam, 
they drave him away by force. Whereupon, he not being of 

* New Haven must be distinguished from the enterprise of Hooker and 
Haynes at Hartford, or Connecticut. 


strength to repair this injury by open force, he secretly draws 
in the Pequods. Such of the magistrates and elders as could 
meet on the sudden returned this answer, viz.: That, if the 
cause were thus. Sequin might, upon this injury first offered by 
them, right himself either by force or fraud, and that by the 
law of nations ; and though the damage he had done them had 
been one hundred times more than what he sustained from 
them, that is not considerable in point of a just war; neither 
was he bound (upon such an open act of hostility publicly 
maintained) to seek satisfaction first in a peaceable way; it 
was enough, that he had complained of it as an injury 
and breach of covenant. According to this advice, they 
proceeded and made a new agreement with the Indians of 
the river. 

Another plantation was now in hand at Mattakeese,* six 
miles beyond Sandwich. The undertaker of this was one Mr. 
Batchellor, late pastor at Sagus, (since called Lynn,) being 
about seventy-six years of age ; yet he walked thither on foot 
in a very hard season. 

He and his company, being all poor men, finding the diffi- 
culty, gave it over, and others imdertook it. 

27.] The Indians of Block Island sent three men with 
ten fathom of wampom for part of their tribute. 

The wife of one WilHam Dyer, a milliner in the New Ex- 
change, a very proper and fair woman, and both of them 
notoriously infected with Mrs. Hutchinson's errors, and very 
censorious and troublesome, (she being of a very proud spirit, 
and much addicted to revelations,) had been dehvered of [a] 
child some few months before, October 17, and the child 
buried, (being stillborn,) and viewed of none but Mrs. Hutch- 
inson and the midwife, one Hawkins's wife, a rank familist 
also ; and another woman had a ghmpse of it, who, not being 
able to keep counsel, as the other two did, some rumor be- 
gan to spread; that the child was a monster. One of the 

* Later Yarmouth. 


elders, hearing of it, asked Mrs. Hutchinson, when she was 
ready to depart ; whereupon she told him how it was, and said 
she meant to have it chronicled,^ but excused her concealing of 
it till then, (by advice, as she said, of Mr. Cotton,) which 
coming to the governor's knowledge, he called another of the 
magistrates and that elder, and sent for the midwife, and exam- 
ined her about it. At first she confessed only, that the head 
was defective and misplaced, but being told that Mrs. Hutchin- 
son had revealed all, and that he intended to have it taken 
up and viewed, she made this report of it, viz. : It was a woman 
child, stillborn, about two months before the just time, having 
hfe a few hours before; it came hiplings till she turned it; it 
was of ordinary bigness; it had a face, but no head, and the 
ears stood upon the shoulders and were like an ape's; it had 
no forehead, but over the eyes four horns, hard and sharp; 
two of them were above one inch long, the other two shorter; 
the eyes standing out, and the mouth also; the nose hooked 
upward ; all over the breast and back full of sharp pricks and 
scales, like a thornback ; the navel and all the belly, with the 
distinction of the sex, were where the back should be, and the 
back and hips before, where the belly should have been; be- 
hind, between the shoulders, it had two mouths, and in each 
of them a piece of red flesh sticking out ; it had arms and legs 
as other children ; but, instead of toes, it had on each foot three 
claws, like a young fowl, with sharp talons. 

The governor speaking with Mr. Cotton about it, he told 
him the reason why he advised them to conceal it: 1. Be- 
cause he saw a providence of God in it, that the rest of the wo- 
men, which were coming and going in the time of her travail, 
should then be absent. 2. He considered, that, if it had been 
his own case, he should have desired to have had it concealed. 
3. He had known other monstrous births, which had been con- 
cealed, and that he thought God might intend only the in- 

^ Public registration of births, marriages and deaths was maintained in the 
Bay colony with great care. 


struction of the parents, and such other to whom it was 
known, etc. The hke apology he made for himself in public, 
which was well accepted.' 

(2.) (April.)] The governor, with advice of some other of 
the magistrates and of the elders of Boston, caused the said 
monster to be taken up, and though it were much corrupted, 
yet most of those things were to be seen, as the horns and 
claws, the scales, etc. When it died in the mother's body, 
(which was about two hours before the birth,) the bed 
whereon the mother lay did shake, and withal there was 
such a noisome savor, as most of the women were taken 
with extreme vomiting and purging, so as they were forced 
to depart; and others of them their children were taken 
with convulsions, (which they never had before nor after,) 
and so were sent for home, so as by these occasions it came 
to be concealed. 

Another thing observable was, the discovery of it, which 
was just when Mrs. Hutchinson was cast out of the church. 
For Mrs. Dyer going forth with her, a stranger asked, what 
young woman it was. The others answered, it was the woman 
which had the monster; which gave the first occasion to some 
that heard it to speak of it. The midwife, presently after this 
discovery, went out of the jurisdiction ; and indeed it was time 
for her to be gone, for it was known, that she used to give 
young women oil of mandrakes and other stuff to cause con- 
ception ; and she grew into great suspicion to be a witch, for it 
was credibly reported, that, when she gave any medicines, (for 
she practised physic,) she would ask the party, if she did 
believe, she could help her, etc. 

Another observable passage was, that the father of this 
monster, coming home at this very time, was, the next Lord's 
day, by an unexpected providence, questioned in the church 
for divers monstrous errors, as for denying all inherent right- 

' The repulsive notion that the displeasure of Heaven was revealed by mon- 
strous births was entertained by men of the best intelligence. 


eousness, etc., which he maintained, and was for the same 

12.] A general fast was kept through all the churches, by 
advice from the court, for seeking the Lord to prevent evil, that 
we feared to be intended against us from England by a general 
governor; for the safe arrival of our friends from thence, (very 
many being expected;) and for estabhshment of peace and 
truth amongst us. 

21.] Owsamekin, the sachem of Acooemeck, on this side 
Connecticut, came to the governor and brought a present of 
eighteen skins of beaver from himself and the sachems of Mo- 
hegan beyond Connecticut and Pakontuckett. The occasion 
was, (as he said,) it was reported, that we were angry with 
him, and intended to war upon them; so they came to seek 
peace. The governor received the present, and (having none 
of the other magistrates at hand to advise with) answered 
them, that if they had done no wrong to the English, nor aided 
our enemies, we would be at peace with them ; and accordingly 
signified so much to the magistrates at Connecticut. They 
took this answer well, and departed with the letter. 

23.] This was a very hard winter. The snow lay, from 
November 4th to March 23d, half a yard deep about the 
Massachusetts, and a yard deep beyond Merrimack, and so 
the more north the deeper, and the spring was very backward. 
This day it did snow two hours together, (after much rain 
from N. E.) with flakes as great as shillings. This was in the 
year 1637. 

24.] The governor and deputy went to Concord to view 
some land for farms, and, going down the river about four 
miles, they made choice of a place for one thousand acres for 
each of them. They offered each other the first choice, but 
because the deputy's was first granted, and himself had store 

* The putting to death of Mary Dyer, the Quakeress, who now in this sad 
fashion emerges into history, is the tragedy of a later time. Her execution took 
place in 1660. 


of land already, the governor yielded him the choice. So, at 
the place where the deputy's land was to begin, there were 
two great stones, which they called the Two Brothers, in re- 
membrance that they were brothers by their children's mar- 
riage, and did so brotherly agree, and for that a Httle creek 
near those stones was to part their lands. At the court in the 
4th month after, two hundred acres were added to the gov- 
ernor's park.^ 

26.] Mr. Coddington (who had been an assistant from 
the first coming over of the government, being, with his wife, 
taken with the famihstical opinions) removed to Aquiday 
Island in the Naragansett Bay. 

(3.) (May) 2.] At the court of elections, the former gov- 
ernor, John Winthrop, was chosen again. The same day, at 
night, he was taken with a sharp fever, which brought him near 
death; but many prayers were put up to the Lord for him, 
and he was restored again after one month. 

This court the name of Newtown was altered, and it was 
called Cambridge.^ 

The spring was so cold, that men were forced to plant their 
corn two or three times, for it rotted in the ground ; but, when 
we feared a great dearth, God sent a warm season, which 
brought on corn beyond expectation. 

(4.) (June) 1.] Between three and four in the afternoon, 
being clear, warm weather, the wind westerly, there was a 
great earthquake. It came with a noise hke a continued 
thunder or the ratthng of coaches in London, but was presently 
gone. It was at Connecticut, at Naragansett, at Pascataquack, 

* The "Two Brothers" still hold their place on the river-bank. See photo- 
graph in Augustine Jones, Thomas Dudley. The reconciliation between Win- 
throp and Dudley seems to have been complete. 

* Savage estimates that there were forty or fifty Cambridge men dwelling in 
the colony, and not a few from Oxford. The college was established by order 
of the General Court in October, 1636; Rev. John Harvard died later in this 
year 1638; the name Harvard College was bestowed in March, 1639, in recog- 
nition of his bequest. 


and all the parts round about. It shook the ships, which rode 
in the harbor, and all the islands, etc. The noise and the 
shakings continued about four minutes. The earth was un- 
quiet twenty days after, by times. 

5.] Unkus, ahas Okoco, the Monahegan sachem in the 
twist of Pequod River,^ came to Boston with thirty-seven 
men. He came from Connecticut with Mr. Hajnies, and 
tendered the governor a present of twenty fathom of wampom. 
This was at the court, and it was thought fit by the council to 
refuse it, till he had given satisfaction about the Pequods he 
kept, etc. Upon this he was much dejected, and made ac- 
count we would have killed him; but, two days after, having 
received good satisfaction of his innocency, etc., and he prom- 
ising to submit to the order of the EngUsh touching the Pequods 
he had, and the differences between the Naragansetts and him, 
we accepted his present. And, about half an hour after, he 
came to the governor, and entertained him with these comph- 
ments: This heart (laying his hand upon his breast) is not 
mine, but yours ; I have no men ; they are all yours ; command 
me any difficult thing, I will do it; I will not beheve any 
Indians' words against the Enghsh; if any man shall kill an 
Enghshman, I will put him to death, were he never so dear to 
me. So the governor gave him a fair, red coat, and defrayed 
his and his men's diet, and gave them corn to reheve them 
homeward, and a letter of protection to all men, etc., and he 
departed very joyful. 

Many ships arrived this year, with people of good quality 
and estate, notwithstanding the council's order, that none 
such should come without the king's license; but God so 
wrought, that some obtained Hcense, and others came away 
without. The troubles which arose in Scotland about the 
book of common prayer, and the canons, which the king 
would have forced upon the Scotch churches, did so take up 

* The Mohegans lay west of the Pequot territory, as the Narragansetts lay 
to the east. 


the king and council, that tliey had neither heart nor leisure 
to look after the affairs of New England ; yet, upon report of 
the many thousands, which were preparing to come away, the 
archbishops caused all the ships to be stayed. But, upon the 
petition of the masters, and suggestion of the great damage 
it would be to the commonwealth in hindering the Newfound- 
land trade, which brought in much money, etc., they were pres- 
ently released. And in this and other passages it plainly ap- 
peared, that near all the lords of the council did favor this 
plantation ; and all the officers of the custom house were very 
ready to further it, for they never made search for any goods, 
etc., but let men bring what they would, without question or 
control. For sure the Lord awed their hearts, and they and 
others (who savored not religion) were amazed to see men 
of all conditions, rich and poor, servants and others, offering 
themselves so readily for New England, when, for furnishing 
of other plantations, they were forced to send about their 
stalls,^ and when they had gotten any, they were forced to 
keep them as prisoners from rimning away. 

Mo. (6.) (August) 3.] In the night was a very great tempest 
or hiracano at S. W. which drave a ship on ground at Charles- 
town, and brake down the windmill there, and did much other 
harm. It flowed twice in six hours, and about Naragansett it 
raised the tide fourteen or' fifteen foot above the ordinary 
spring tides, upright. 

Janemoh, the sachem of Niantick,^ had gone to Long Island 
and rifled some of those Indians, which were tributaries to us. 
The sachem complained to our friends of Connecticut, who 
wrote us about it, and sent Capt. Mason, with seven men, to 
require satisfaction. The governor of the Massachusetts 
wrote also to Mr. Williams to treat with Miantunnomoh about 
satisfaction, or otherwise to bid them look for war. 

^ Decoys. 

^ The Niantics were a tribe near and closely allied to the Narragansetts, in 
territory towards which the English were now departing. 


Upon this Janemoh went to Connecticut, and made his 
peace, and gave full satisfaction for all injuries. 

Two ships, which came over this year much pestered, lost 
many passengers, and some principal men, and many fell sick 
after they were landed, and many of them died. 

Four servants of Plylnouth ran from their masters, and, 
coming to Providence, they killed an Indian. He escaped, 
after he was deadly wounded in the belly, and gat to other 
Indians. So, being discovered, they fled and were taken at 
the Isle Aquiday.^ Mr. Williams gave notice to the governor 
of Massachusetts, and desired advice. He returned answer, 
that, seeing they were of Plymouth, they should certify 
Plymouth of them, and, if they would send for them, to deliver 
them; otherwise, seeing no English had jurisdiction in the 
place where the murder was committed, neither had they at 
the Island any government estabhshed, it would be safest 
to dehver the principal, who was certainly known to have killed 
the party, to the Indian his friends, with caution that they 
should not put him to tortm-e, and to keep the other three to 
further consideration. 

After this, Plymouth men sent for them, (but one had 
escaped,) and the governor there wrote to the governor here 
for advice, especially for that he heard they intended to appeal 
into England. The governor returned answer of encourage- 
ment to proceed notwithstanding, seeing no appeal did he, 
for that they could not be tried in England, and that the 
whole country here were interested in the case, and would 
expect to have justice done.^ Whereupon they proceeded as 
appears after. 

Many of Boston and others, who were of Mrs. Hutchinson's 
judgment and party, removed to the Isle of Aquiday; and 

* Aquiday, Aquidneck, or Rhode Island, now becoming important as the 
seat of the new plantation beyond Providence. 

'See Bradford, pp. 344-346. The Plymouth governor at this time was 
Thomas Prence. 


others, who were of the rigid separation, and savored ana- 
baptism, removed to Providence, so as those parts began to be 
well peopled. 

There came over this summer twenty ships, and at least 
three thousand persons,* so as they were forced to look out 
new plantations. One was begun at Merrimack, and another 
four or five miles above Concord, and another at Winicowett. 

The three prisoners, being brought to Plymouth, and there 
examined, did all confess the murder, and that they did it to 
get his wampom, etc. ; but all the question was about the death 
of the Indian, for no man could witness that he saw him dead. 
But Mr. Williams and Mr. James of Providence made oath, 
that his wound was mortal, etc. At last two Indians, who, 
with much difficulty, were procured to come to the trial, (for 
they still feared that the English were conspired to kill all the 
Indians,) made oath after this manner, viz.: that if he were 
not dead of that wound, then they would suffer death. Upon 
this they three were condemned and executed. Two of them 
died very penitently, especially Arthur Peach, a young man of 
good parentage and fair conditioned, and who had done very 
good service against the Pequods. 

The fourth escaped to Pascataquack. The governor sent 
after him, but those of Pascataquack conveyed him away, and 
openly withstood his apprehension. It was their usual man- 
ner (some of them) to countenance, etc., all such lewd persons 
as fled from us to them. 

(7.) {September.) The general court was assembled, in 
which it was agreed, that, whereas a very strict order was sent 
from the lords commissioners for plantations for the sending 
home oui' patent, upon pretence that judgment had passed 
against it upon a quo warranto, a letter should be written by 
the governor, in the name of the court, to excuse our not send- 
ing of it ; for it was resolved to be best not to send it, because 

^ The immigration, which two years later suddenly ceased, was now at its 


then such of our friends and others in England would conceive 
it to be surrendered, and that thereupon we should be bound 
to receive such a governor and such orders as should be sent 
to us, and many bad minds, yea, and some weak ones, among 
ourselves, would think it lawful, if not necessary, to accept a 
general governor. The copy of the letter is reserved, etc., 
in form of a petition. See the after fol. 74.* 

At this court a law was made about such as should continue 
excommunicated six months, and for pubUc thankgiving for 
the arrival of the ships, and for the coming on of harvest be- 
yond expectation, etc. This law was after repealed. 

At this court, also, Capt. Underbill (being about to remove 
to Mr. Wheelwright) petitioned for three hundred acres of land 
promised him formerly ; by occasion whereof he was questioned 
about some speeches he had used in the ship lately, in his re- 
turn out of England, viz., that he should say, that we were 
zealous here, as the Scribes and Pharisees were, and as Paul 
was before his conversion, etc., which he denying, they were 
proved to his face by a sober, godly woman, whom he had 
seduced in the ship, and drawn to his opinions, (but she was 
after freed again). Among other passages, he told her how 
he came to his assurance, and that was thus: He had lain 
under a spirit of bondage and a legal way five years, and could 
get no assurance, till at length, as he was taking a pipe of to- 
bacco, the Spirit set home an absolute promise of free grace 
with such assurance and joy, as he never since doubted of his 
good estate, neither should he, though he should fall into sin. 
He would not confess nor deny this, but took exceptions at the 
court for crediting one witness against him, etc., and withal 
said, that he was still of the same opinion he had been, etc. 
Whereupon he was demanded, if he were of the same opinion 

^ It was important in this age, that a charter should be beyond the control 
of the grantor, not Hghtly to be set aside, but only after quo warranto proceedings 
embarrassing to those in power. See Brooks Adams, Emancipation of Massa- 
chusetts, p. 17. Winthrop refers to a page in his second note-book where Savage 
found nothing. 


he had been in about the petition or remonstrance. He an- 
swered, yes, and that his retractation was only of the manner, 
not of the matter. Whereupon his retractation (which he had 
lately delivered to the governor, to be presented to this court) 
was read, wherein he professeth how the Lord had brought him 
to see his sin in conderoning the court, and passing the bounds 
of modesty and submission, which is required in private per- 
sons, etc., and in what trouble of spirit he had been for it, etc. 
Upon this, the court committed liim for abusing the court with 
a show of retractation, and intending no such thing; and the 
next day he was called again and banished. The Lord's day 
following, he made a speech in the assembly, showing that, as 
the Lord was pleased to convert Paul as he was in persecuting, 
etc., so he might manifest himself to him as he was taking the 
moderate use of the creature called tobacco. He professed 
withal, that he knew not wherein he had deserved the sentence 
of the court, and that he was sure that Christ was his, etc. 
The elders reproved him for this speech ; and Mr. Cotton told 
him, that he brake a rule in condemning pubhcly the sentence 
of the court, before he had privately convinced the magistrates, 
or some of them; and told him, also, that, although God doth 
often lay a man under a spirit of bondage, when he is walking 
in sin, as Paul was, yet he never sends such a spirit of comfort 
but in an ordinance, as he did to the same Paul by Ananias; 
and ergo advised him well to examine the revelation and joy 
which he had. 

The next Lord's day, the same Capt. Underhill, having been 
privately dealt with upon suspicion of incontinency with a 
neighbor's wife, and not barkening to it, was publicly ques- 
tioned, and put under admonition. The matter was, for that 
the woman being young, and beautiful, and withal of a jovial 
spirit and behavior, he did daily frequent her house, and was 
divers times found there alone with her, the door being locked 
on the inside. He confessed it was ill, because it had an 
appearance of evil in it ; but his excuse was, that the woman 


was in great trouble of mind, and sore temptations, and 
that he resorted to her to comfort her ; and that when the door 
was found locked upon them, they were in private prayer to- 
gether. But this practice was clearly condenmed also by the 
elders, affirming, that it had not been of good report for any of 
them to have done the hke, and that they ought, in such case, 
to have called in some brother or sister, and not to have locked 
the door, etc. They also declared, that once he procured them 
to go visit her, telhng them that she was in great trouble of 
mind ; but when they came to her, (taking her, it seems, upon 
the sudden,) they perceived no such thing.* See the issue of 
this after, (9,) 1638, and (10,) 13, 38. 

Mrs. Hutchinson, being removed to the Isle of Aquiday, in 
the Naragansett Bay, after her time was fulfilled, that she ex- 
pected dehverance of a child, was dehvered of a monstrous 
birth, which, being diversely related in the country, (and, in the 
open assembly at Boston, upon a lecture day, declared by Mr. 
Cotton to . . . signify her error in denying inherent right- 
eousness, but that all was Christ in us, and nothing of ours in 
our faith, love, etc.) hereupon the governor wrote to Mr. 
Clarke, a physician and a preacher to those of the island, to 
know the certainty thereof.^ . . . 

21.] A ship of Barnstaple arrived with about eighty pas- 
sengers, near all western people. There came with them a 
godly minister, one Mr. Matthews. 

Here arrived a small Spanish frigate with hides and 
tallow. She was a prize taken by Capt. Newman, who was 

*This passage makes it plain that the Hutchinsonian doctrines admitted 
of a perilous interpretation. John Underhill was a dangerous character in the 
community. As the successful soldier of the colony he had great prestige, and 
his bad example would work evil. Being a subject of the "covenant of grace," 
he made it a cloak for licentiousness. His acknowledgments of sin and pro- 
fessions of repentance were justly held in suspicion. He was long an object of 
fear in New England. 

^ The repulsive details which Winthrop took pains to gather are here omitted. 
They are not inaccessible, and they only show how far bigotry could carry a mind 
naturally noble and magnanimous. 

278 WINTHROP'S journal [1638 

set out with letters of mart by the lords, etc., of the Isle of 

This year there came a letter from Mr. Thomas Mewtis, 
clerk of the council in England, directed to Mr. Winthrop, (the 
present governor,) and therein an order from the lords com- 
missioners for foreign plantations, (being ,all of the coimcil,) 
wherein they straightly required the patent to be sent home by 
the first ship, etc. This letter and order were produced at the 
general court last past, and there agreed not to send home the 
patent, but to return answer to the lords by way of humble pe- 
tition, which was drawn up and sent accordingly. These in- 
struments are all among the governor's papers, and the effect 
of them would be here inserted.^ 

25.] Being the third day of the week, and two days before 
the change, the wind having blown at N. E. all the day, and 
rainy in the night, was a mighty tempest, and withal the high- 
est tide, which had been seen since our coming into this coun- 
try; but, through the good providence of God, it did Uttle 
harm. About fourteen days after, the wind having been at 
N. W. and then calm here, came in the greatest eastern sea, 
which had been in our time. Mr. Peirce (who came in a week 
after) had that time a very great tempest three days at N. E. 

A remarkable providence appeared in a case, which was 
tried at the last court of assistants. Divers neighbors of Lynn, 
by agreement, kept their cattle by turns. It fell out to the 
turn of one Gillow to keep them, and, as he was driving them 
forth, another of these neighbors went along with him, and 
kept him so earnestly in talk, that his cattle strayed and gate 
in the corn. Then this other neighbor left him, and would not 
help him recover his cattle, but went and told another how he 
had kept Gillow in talk, that he might lose his cattle, etc. The 

*The context always shows, when "Providence" is named, whether the 
spot in New England or that in the Caribbean Sea is intended. See ante, p. 228, 
note 1. 

*See Hubbard's New England, pp. 268-271, for their text. 


cattle, getting into the Indian com, eat so much ere they could 
be gotten out, that two of them fell sick of it, and one of them 
died presently ; and these two cows were that neighbor's who 
had kept Gillow in talk, etc. The man brings his action against 
Gillow for his cow, (not knowing that he had witness of his 
speech); but Gillow, producing witness, etc., barred him of 
his action, and had good costs, etc. 

The com-t, taking into consideration the great disorder gen- 
eral through the country in costliness of apparel, and follow- 
ing new fashions, sent for the elders of the churches, and con- 
ferred with them about it, and laid it upon them, as belonging 
to them, to redress it, by urging it upon the consciences of their 
people, which they promised to do. But little was done about 
it; for divers of the elders' wives, etc., were in some measure 
partners in this general disorder. 

8ber (October).] About two years since one Mr. Bernard, a 
minister at Batcomb in Somersetshire in England, sent over 
two books in writing, one to the magistrates, and the other to 
the elders, wherein he laid down arguments against the manner 
of our gathering our churches, etc., which the elders could not 
answer till this time, by reason of the many troubles about Mrs. 
Hutchinson's opinions, etc. Mr. Cotton also answered another 
book sent over in defence of set form of prayer. This I suppose 
was Mr. Ball's book. 

About this time was very much rain and snow, in six weeks 
together; scarce two days without rain or snow. This was 
observed by some as an effect of the earthquake. 

(9.) (November) 8.] A church was gathered at Dedham 
with good approbation ; and, 28th, Mr. Peck ordained teacher 
at Hingham. 

By order of the last general court, the governor wrote 
a letter to Mr. Burdet,^ Mr. Wiggin, and others of the planta- 

^ Burdet was a minister who, finding the Salem atmosphere too strict, went 
north to Piscataqua, there joining Wiggin, agent of the Puritan Lords Saye and 
Brooke, who had the power of a governor thereabouts. 


tion of Pascataquack, to this effect: That, whereas there 
had been good correspondency between us formerly, we could 
not but be sensible of their entertaining and countenancing, 
etc., some that we had cast out, etc., and that our purpose was 
to survey our utmost limits, and make use of them. Mr. 
Burdet returned a scornful answer, and would not give the 
governor his title, etc. This was very ill taken, for that he was 
one of our body, and sworn to our government, and a member 
of the church of Salem; so as the governor was purposed to 
summon him to appear at our court to answer his contempt; 
but, advising with the deputy about it, he was dissuaded from 
it, the rather for that, if he should suffer in this cause, it would 
ingratiate him more with the archbishops, (with whom he had 
intelligence, etc.) but his council was rather to undermine him 
by making him thoroughly known, etc., to his friends in Pas- 
cataquack, and to take them from him. Whereupon the gov- 
ernor wrote to Edward Hilton, declaring his ill dealing, (and 
sent a copy of his letter,) and advising them to take heed how 
they put themselves into his power, etc., but rather to give us 
a proof of their respect towards us, etc. — He intimated withal 
how ill it would relish, if they should advance Capt. Underhill, 
whom we had thrust out for abusing the court with feigning 
a retractation both of his seditious practice and also of his 
corrupt opinions, and after denying it again, and for casting 
reproach upon our churches, etc.; signifying withal, that he 
was now found to have been an unclean person, (for he was 
charged by a godly young woman to have solicited her chastity 
under pretence of Christian love, and to have confessed to her, 
that he had his will oftentimes of the cooper's wife, and all 
out of strength of love,) and the church had sent for him, and 
sent him a license to come and go, under the hands of the 
governor and deputy ; but he refused to come, excusing himself, 
by letters to the elders, that the license was not sufficient, etc., 
and, by letters to the governor, that he had no rule to come 
and answer to any offence, except his banishment were re- 


leased; but to the matter he was charged with, he gave no 
answer, but sought an evasion. Pascataquack men had 
chosen him their governor before the letter came to them. 

13.] The governor went by water to Salem where he was 
entertained with all the respect that they could show him. 
The 12 he returned by land, and they sent six of their chief 
miUtary officers with carbines to guard him to Boston. 

17.] Roger Herlakenden,^ one of our magistrates, about 
thirty years of age, second son of [blank] Herlakenden of 
Earl's Colne in Essex, Esq., died at Cambridge of the small 
pox. He was a very godly man, and of good use both in the 
commonwealth and in the church. He was buried with 
mihtary honor, because he was lieutenant colonel. He left 
behind a virtuous gentlewoman and two daughters. He died 
in great peace, and left a sweet memorial behind him of his 
piety and virtue. 

10. {December) 2.] Ezekiel Rogers, son of Richard Rogers 
of Weathersfield in Essex, a worthy son of so worthy a father, 
lying at Boston with some who came out of Yorkshire with him, 
where he had been a painful preacher many years, being de- 
sirous to partake in the Lord's supper with the church of Bos- 
ton, did first impart his desire to the elders, and having given 
them satisfaction, they acquainted the church with it, and 
before the sacrament, being called forth by the elders, he spoke 
to this effect, viz.: that he and his company (viz. divers 
families, who came over with him this summer) had, of a good 
time, withdrawn themselves from the church communion of 
England, and that for many corruptions which were among 
them. But, first, he desired, that he might not be mistaken, 
as if he did condemn all there ; for he did acknowledge a special 
presence of God there in three things: 1, in the soundness of 

* This young magistrate, whose promise for usefulness was so prematurely 
blighted, was of noble lineage, his line running to the Plantagenets. His sister 
Mabel married John Haynes, governor of Massachusetts and Connecticut, from 
which union came a long and distinguished line. 


doctrine in all fundamental truths; 2, in the excellency of 
ministerial gifts ; 3, in the blessing upon the same, for the work 
of conversion and for the power of reUgion, in all which there 
appeared more, etc., in England than in all the known world 
besides. Yet there are such corruptions, as, since God let 
them see some hght therein, they could not, with safe con- 
science, join any longer with them. The first is, their national 
church; second, their hierarchy, wholly antichristian ; third, 
their dead service; fourth, their receiving (nay, compelhng) 
all to partake of the seals ; fifth, their abuse of excommunica- 
tions, wherein they enwrap many a godly minister, by causing 
him to pronounce their sentence, etc., they not knowing that 
the fear of the excommunication lies in that. Hereupon they 
bewailed before the Lord their sinful partaking so long in those 
corruptions, and entered a covenant together, to walk together 
in all the ordinances, etc.* 

1639. 10. {December) 3.] Being settled at Rowley, they 
renewed their church covenant, and their call [blank] of Mr. 
Rogers to the office of pastor, according to the course of other 
churches, etc. 

(10.) (December) 6.] Dorothy Talbye was hanged at Boston 
for murdering her own daughter, a child of three years old. 
She had been a member of the church of Salem, and of good 
esteem for godhness, etc.; but, falling at difference with her 
husband, through melancholy or spiritual delusions, she some- 
times attempted to kill him, and her children, and herself, by 
refusing meat, saying it was so revealed to her, etc. After 
much patience, and divers admonitions not prevaihng, the 
church cast her out. Whereupon she grew worse; so as the 
magistrate caused her to be whipped. Whereupon she was 
reformed for a time, and carried herself more dutifully to her 

^ Ezekiel Rogers stood a powerful figure in the New England church. 
Rowley, of which he was the first minister, took its name from the Yorkshire 
village from which he came, and his influence was felt far and wide. He is 
especially commemorated in the Mmjnalia of Cotton Mather. The ensuing 
item of 1639 is inserted by Winthrop, out of place, to complete the story. 


husband, etc. ; but soon after she was so possessed with Satan, 
that he persuaded her (by his delusions, which she hstened to 
as revelations from God) to break the neck of her own child, 
that she might free it from future misery. This she confessed 
upon her apprehension; yet, at her arraignment, she stood 
mute a good space, till the governor told her she should be 
pressed to death, and then she confessed the indictment. 
When she was to receive judgment, she would not uncover her 
face, nor stand up, but as she was forced, nor give any testi- 
mony of her repentance, either then or at her execution. The 
cloth, which should have covered her face, she plucked off and 
put between the rope and her neck. She desired to have been 
beheaded, giving this reason, that it was less painful and less 
shameful. After a swing or two, she catched at the ladder. 
Mr. Peter, her late pastor, and Mr. Wilson, went with her to the 
place of execution, but could do no good with her. Mr. Peter 
gave an exhortation to the people to take heed of revelations, 
etc., and of despising the ordinance of excommunication as she 
had done ; for when it was to have been denounced against her, 
she turned her back, and would have gone forth, if she had 
not been stayed by force. 

One Capt. Newman, being set forth with conmiission from 
the Earl of Holland, governor of the Westminster company, 
and the Earl of Warwick, and others of the same company,* 
to spoil the Spaniard within the Umits of their grant in the 
West Indies, after he had taken many of their small vessels, 
etc., returned home by the Massachusetts in a small pinnace, 
with which he had taken all his prizes, (for his great ship was 
of no use for that purpose). He brought many hides and much 
tallow. The hides he sold here for £17.10 the score; the 
tallow at 29s. the hundred; and set sail for England (10,) 
1. He was after cast away at Christopher's with a very rich 
prize, in the great h3Tracano, 1642. 

13.] A general fast was kept upon the motion of the elders 

* The Company of the Isle of Providence. See p. 228, note 1. 


to the governor and council. The chief occasion was, the 
much sickness of pox and fevers spread through the country, 
(yet it was to the east and south also,) the apparent decay of 
power of religion, and the general declining of professors to the 
world, etc. Mr. Cotton, in his exercise that day at Boston, did 
confess and bewail, as the churches', so his own security, sloth, 
and credulity, whereupon so many and dangerous errors had 
gotten up and spread in the church ; and went over all the par- 
ticulars, and showed how he came to be deceived; the errors 
being framed (in words) so near the truths which he had 
preached and the falsehood of the maintainers of them, who 
usually would deny to him what they had dehvered to others, 
etc. He acknowledged, that such as had been seducers of 
others (instancing in some of those of the Island, though he 
named them not) had been justly banished. Yet he said, that 
such as had been only misled, and others, who had done any 
thing out of a misguided conscience, (not being grossly evil,) 
should be borne withal, and first referred to the church, 
and if that could not heal them, they should rather be impris- 
oned, fined, or, etc., than banished, qua it was likely no 
other church would receive them.* 

Those who were gone with Mrs. Hutchinson to Aquiday fell 
into new errors daily. One Nicholas Easton, a tanner, taught, 
that gifts and graces were that antichrist mentioned Thess., 
and that which withheld, etc., was the preaching of the law; 
and that every of the elect had the Holy Ghost and also the 
devil indwelling. Another, one Heme, taught, that women 
had no souls, and that Adam was not created in true hohness, 
etc., for then he could not have lost it. 

Those who went to the falls at Pascataquack, gathered a 
church, and wrote to our church to desire us to dismiss Mr. 

' In this passage we see the mental suffering of Cotton. Such cases as that 
of Underhill no doubt appalled him, and he was driven to strictness. The con- 
cluding sentences show that his heart was tender toward those who wandered, 
and averse to severe discipline. 


Wheelwright to them for an officer; but, because he desired it 
not himself, the elders did not propound it. Soon after came 
his own letter, with theirs, for his dismission, which thereupon 
was granted. Others hkewise (upon their request) were also 
dismissed thither. 

The governor's letter to Mr. Hilton, about Mr. Burdet and 
Capt. Underbill, was by them intercepted and opened; and 
thereupon they wrote presently into England against us, dis- 
covering what they knew of our combination to resist any 
authority, that should come out of England against us, etc. ; 
for they were extremely moved at the governor's letter, but 
could take no advantage by it, for he made accoimt, when 
he wrote it, that Mr. Hilton would show it them. And, upon 
this, Capt. Underhill wrote a letter to Mr. Cotton, full of high 
and threatening words against us ; but he wrote another, at the 
same time, to the governor in very fair terms, entreating an 
obliterating of all that was past, and a bearing with human 
infirmities, etc., disavowing all purpose of revenge, etc. See 
after, (1,) 1639. 

The devil would never cease to disturb our peace, and to 
raise up instruments one after another. Amongst the rest, 
there was a woman in Salem, one Oliver his wife, who had 
suffered somewhat in England for refusing to bow at the name 
of Jesus, though otherwise she was conformable to all their 
orders. She was (for abihty of speech, and appearance of zeal 
and devotion) far before Mrs. Hutchinson, and so the fitter in- 
strument to have done hurt, but that she was poor and had 
little acquaintance. She took offence at this, that she might 
not be admitted to the Lord's supper without giving pubhc 
satisfaction to the church of her faith, etc., and covenanting 
or professing to walk with them according to the rule of the 
gospel ; so as, upon the sacrament day, she openly called for it, 
and stood to plead her right, though she were denied; and 
would not forbear, before the magistrate, Mr. Endecott, did 
threaten to send the constable to put her forth. This woman 


was brought to the court for disturbing the peace in the church, 
etc., and there she gave such peremptory answers, as she was 
committed till she should find sureties for her good behavior. 
After she had been in prison three or four days, she made means 
to the governor, and submitted herself, and acknowledged her 
fault in distm'bing the church; whereupon he took her hus- 
band's bond for her good behavior, and discharged her out of 
prison. But he found, after, that she still held her former 
opinions, which were very dangerous, as, 1. That the church 
is the heads of the people, both magistrates and ministers, met 
together, and that these have power to ordain ministers, etc. 
2. That all that dwell in the same town, and will profess their 
faith in Christ Jesus, ought to be received to the sacraments 
there ; and that she was persuaded, that, if Paul were at Salem, 
he would call all the inhabitants there saints. 3. That ex- 
communication is no other but when Christians withdraw 
private communion from one that hath offended. 

About five years after, this woman was adjudged to be 
whipped for reproaching the magistrates. She stood without 
tying, and bare her punishment with a masculine spirit, glory- 
ing in her suffering. But after (when she came to consider 
the reproach, which would stick by her, etc.) she was much 
dejected about it. She had a cleft stick put on her tongue half 
an hour, for reproaching the elders, (6,) 1646. 

At Providence, also, the devil was not idle. For whereas, at 
their first coming thither, Mr. Williams and the rest did make 
an order, that no man should be molested for his conscience, 
now men's wives, and children, and servants, claimed liberty 
hereby to go to all religious meetings, though never so often, or 
though private, upon the week days; and because one Verin 
refused to let his wife go to Mr. Williams so oft as she was 
called for, they required to have him censured. But there 
stood up one Arnold, a witty man of their own company, 
and withstood it, telling them that, when he consented to that 
order, he never intended it should extend to the breach of any 


ordinance of God, such as the subjection of wives to their hus- 
bands, etc., and gave divers soUd reasons against it. Then 
one Greene (who hath married the wife of one Beggerly, whose 
husband is Hving, and no divorce, etc., but only it was said, 
that he had Uved in adultery, and had confessed it) he repUed, 
that, if they should restrain their wives, etc., all the women in 
the country would cry out of them, etc. Arnold answered 
him thus: Did you pretend to leave the Massachusetts, be- 
cause you would not offend God to please men, and would you 
now break an ordinance and commandment of God to please 
women? Some were of opinion, that if Verin would not suffer 
his wife to have her hberty, the church should dispose her to 
some other man, who would use her better. Arnold told them, 
that it was not the woman's desire to go so oft from home, but 
only Mr. Williams's and others. In conclusion, when they 
would have censured Verin, Arnold told them, that it was 
against their own order, for Verin did that he did out of con- 
science ; and their order was, that no man should be censured 
for his conscience. 

Another plot the old serpent had against us, by sowing 
jealousies and differences between us and our friends at Con- 
necticut, and also Plymouth. This latter was about our 
bounds. They had planted Scituate, and had given out 
all the lands to Conyhassett. We desired only so much of the 
marshes there, as might accommodate Hingham, which being 
denied, we caused Charles River to be surveyed, and found it 
come so far southward as would fetch in Scituate and more; 
but this was referred to a meeting between us. 

The differences between us and those of Connecticut were 
divers; but the ground of all was their shyness of coming 
under our government, which, though we never intended to make 
them subordinate to us, yet they were very jealous, and there- 
fore, in the articles of" confederation, which we propounded to 
them, and whereby order was taken, that all differences, which 
might fall out, should be ended by a way of peace, and never 


to come to a necessity or danger of force, — they did so alter 
the chief article, as all would have come to nothing. For 
whereas the article was, That, upon any matter of difference, 
two, three, or more commissioners of every of the confederate 
colonies should assemble, and have absolute power (the greater 
number of them) to determine the matter, — they would have 
them only to meet, and if they could agree, so; if not, then 
to report to their several colonies, and to return with their ad- 
vice, and so to go on till the matter might be agreed; which, 
beside that it would have been infinitely tedious and extreme 
chargeable, it would never have attained the end; for it was 
very unUkely, that all the churches in all the plantations would 
ever have accorded upon the same propositions/ 

These articles, with their alterations, they sent to our 
general court at Newtown, the [blank] of the 5th, by Mr. 
Haynes, Mr. Pincheon, and John Steele. The court, finding 
their alteration, and the inconveniences thereof, would take the 
like hberty to add and alter ; (for the articles were drawn only 
by some of the council, and never allowed by the court). This 
they excepted against, and would have restrained us of that 
hberty, which they took themselves; and one of their three 
commissioners, falling in debate with some of our deputies, 
said, that they would not meddle with any tiling that was 
within our hmits; which being reported to the court, they 
thought it seasonable we should stand upon our right, so as, 
though we were formerly willing that Agawam (now Spring- 
field) should have fallen into their government, yet, seeing 
they would not be beholden to us for any thing, we intended to 
keep it ; and accordingly we put it in as an article, that the line 
between us should be, one way, the Pequod River, (viz. south 
and north,) and the other way, (viz. east and west,) the Hmits 

^ Though the relations of Connecticut with the parent colony were here in- 
harmonious the emigrants at first remembered with affection their old homes. 
Hartford was originally called Newtown, whence most of the settlers were drawn; 
Windsor was Dorchester, and Westfield, Watertown, 


of our own grant. And this article we added: That we, etc., 
should have Uberty to pass to and fro upon Connecticut, and 
they hkewise. To these articles all their commissioners offered 
to consent, but it was thought by our court, (because of the new 
articles,) that they should first acquaint their own court with 
it. And so their commissioners departed. 

After this, we understood that they went on to exercise 
their authority at Agawam.^ Whereupon the governor wrote 
to them to desire them to forbear until the line was laid out, 
with advice about some other things, as by the copy of the 
letter appears. After a long time, Mr. Ludlow (in the name of 
their court) returned answer, which was very harsh; and in 
fine declared, that they thought it not fit to treat any further 
before they had advice from the gentlemen of Saybrook, etc. 
The governor acquainted the council and magistrates with this 
letter; and, because they had tied our hands (in a manner) 
from replying, he wrote a private letter to Mr. Haynes, wherein 
he lays open their mistakes (as he called them) and the ap- 
parent causes of offence, which they had given us ; as by dis- 
claiming to their Naragansetts to be bound by our former 
agreement with them, (which they would never make till the 
wars were ended,) by making a treaty of agreement with the 
Naragansetts and Monhigans, without joining us, or mention- 
ing us to that end, (though we had by letter given them hberty 
to take us in,) and by binding all the Indians (who had received 
any Pequods) to pay tribute for them all to them at Connecti- 
cut, etc. (All these things are clearly to be seen in the letters.) 
These and the like miscarriages in point of correspondency 
were conceived to arise from these two errors in their govern- 
ment: 1. They chose divers scores men, who had no learning 
nor judgment, which might fit them for those affairs, though 
otherwise men holy and religious. 2. By occasion hereof, the 
main burden for managing of state business fell upon some one 
or other of their ministers, (as the phrase and style of these 

' Agawam, or Springfield; also the Indian name of Ipswich. 


letters will clearly discover,) who, though they were men of 
singular wisdom and godhness, yet, stepping out of their 
course, their actions wanted that blessing, which otherwise 
might have been expected/ 

[August 28, 1638. In my letter to Mr. Hooker, I complain of 
three things: — 

1. That they told the Narragansetts, that they were not tied to 
the agreement we made with the Indians; and that they did this, 
to advance their own reputation with the Indians, and to abase ours; 
that it was a point of state policy in them not to dissent, while the war 
was at their doors, for they had need of our help, etc. ; that it was done 
without any pressing occasion; that it was done unseasonably, after 
their own commissioners had propounded that before the Indians we 
should in all things appear as one. 

2. That they altered the articles of confederation in the most 
material point, and all because some preeminence was therein yielded 
to the Massachusetts, and being again agreed, (only referred to con- 
sent, etc.) in three months we had no answer from them; that the 
way which they would have taken, of referring differences to the 
churches, would occasion infinite trouble and expense, and yet leave 
the issue to the sword. 

I expostulated about the unwarrantableness and unsafeness of 
referring matter of counsel or judicature to the body of the people, 
quia the best part is always the least, and of that best part the wiser 
part is always the lesser. The old law was, choose ye out judges, 
etc., and thou shalt bring the matter to the judge, etc. 

3. That they did still exercise jurisdiction at Agawam, though 
one of their commissioners disclaimed to intermeddle in our line, and 
thither we challenged our right, and it was agreed so, and I had wrote 
to them to desire them to forbear until, etc., that Mr. Pincheon had 
small encouragement to be under them; that if his relation were true, 
I could not see the justice of their proceeding against him, etc. 

That the end of my writing to him was, that he might help quench 
these sparks of contention; that I did open our grievances to him in 

* Savage's note here gives an idea of the care with which his transcript, 
adopted in the present edition, was made. "These lines were so effectually 
erased, that, for some years, my desire of decyphering them was baflBed; but, 
after twice abandoning the task, I gradually obtained, with the aid of a gentleman 
much skilled in reading difficult MS., a sufficient confidence in all but one word." 


their most true and reasonable intendment; that though I be strict for 
our right in public, quia their magistrates are so, yet I am willing to 
listen to advice, and my aim is tjie common good.]^ 

15.] The wind at N. E., there was so great a tempest of 
wind and snow all the night and the next day, as had not been 
since our time. Five men and youths perished between Matta- 
pan and Dorchester, and a man and a woman between Boston 
and Roxbury. Anthony Dick, in a bark of thirty tons, cast 
away upon the head of Cape Cod. Three were starved to 
death with the cold ; the other two got some fire and so lived 
there, by such food as they saved, seven weeks, till an Indian 
found them, etc. Two vessels bound for Quinipiack were 
cast away at Aquiday, but the people saved. Much other 
harm was done in staving of boats, etc., and by the great tides, 
which exceeded all before. This happened the day after a 
general fast, which occasioned some of our ministers to stir us 
up to seek the Lord better, because he seemed to discounte- 
nance the means of reconciliation. Whereupon the next general 
court, by advice of the elders, agreed to keep another day, and 
to seek further into the causes of such displeasure, etc. ; which 
accordingly was performed. 

' This passage was written by Winthrop in another part of the manuscript 
volume, but we are apparently warranted in treating it as a portion of the Journal. 
The letter here summarized, though described as addressed to Hooker, not 
Haynes, is plainly a part of the correspondence mentioned in the paragraph to 
which we have subjoined this extract. 


(11.) (January) 14.] The earthquake, which had continued 
at times since the 1st of the 4th, was more generally felt, and 
the same noise heard in many places. 

30.] A church was gathered at Weymouth with approba- 
tion of the magistrates and elders. It is observable, this 
church, having been gathered before, and so that of Lynn, 
could not hold together, nor could have any elders join or hold 
with them. The reason appeared to be, because they did not 
begin according to the rule of the gospel, which when Lynn 
had found and humbled themselves for it, and began again 
upon a new foimdation, they went on with a blessing. 

The people of this town of Weymouth had invited one Mr. 
Lenthall to come to them, with intention to call him to be 
their minister. This man, though of good report in England, 
coming hither, was found to have drank in some of Mrs. 
Hutchinson's opinions, as of justification before faith, etc., 
and opposed the gathering of our churches in such a way of 
mutual stipulation as was practised among us. From the 
former he was soon taken off upon conference with Mr. Cotton ; 
but he stuck close to the other, that only baptism was the door 
of entrance into the church, etc., so as the common sort of 
people did eagerly embrace his opinions, and some labored to 
get such a church on foot as all baptized ones might communi- 
cate in without any further trial of them, etc. For this end 
they procured many hands in Weymouth to a blank, intending 
to have Mr. LenthalFs advice to the frame of their call; and 
he likewise was very forward to become a minister to them in 
such a way, and did openly maintain the cause. But the 
magistrates, hearing of this disturbance and combination, 
thought it needful to stop it betimes, and ergo they called 



Mr. Lenthall, and some of the chief of the faction, to the next 
general court in the 1 month, where Mr. Lenthall, having 
before conferred with some of the magistrates and of the 
elders, and being convinced both of his error in judgment, and 
of his sin in practice to the distrubance of our peace, etc., did 
openly and freely retract, with expression of much grief of 
heart for his offence, and did deliver his retractation in writing, 
imder his hand, in the open court; whereupon he was enjoined 
to appear at the next court, and in the mean time to make and 
deliver the like recantation in some public assembly at Wey- 
mouth. So the court stopped for any further censure by fine, 
or, etc., though it was much urged by some. 

At the same court one Smith was convicted and fined £20 
for being a chief stirrer in the business ; and one Silvester was 
disfranchised ; and one Britton, who had spoken reproachfully 
of the answer, which was sent to Mr. Barnard his book against 
our church covenant, and of some of our elders, and had sided 
with Mr. Lenthall, etc., was openly whipped, because he had 
no estate to answer, etc. 

Mo. 1 (March).] A printing house was begun at Cambridge 
by one Daye, at the charge of Mr. Glover, who died on sea 
hitherward. The first thing which was printed was the free- 
men's oath ; the next was an almanac made for New England by 
Mr. William Peirce, mariner; the next was the Psalms newly 
turned into metre.* 

A plantation was begun by Sandwich, and was called Yar- 
mouth, in Plymouth jurisdiction. 

Another plantation was begun upon the north side of Mer- 
rimack, called Sarisbury, now Colchester ; ^ another at Win- 
icowett, called Hampton, which gave occasion of some differ- 
ence between us and some of Pascataquack, which grew thus: 

> See R. F. Roden, The Cambridge Press, 163S-1692 (New York, 1905). 
William Peirce, maker of the almanac, was the active and versatile captain of the 
Lion and other ships, who has been often mentioned. Though this was the 
first press of New England, the Spaniards had been printing in Mexico since 
1539. ^ Now Salisbury. 


Mr. Wheelwright, being banished from us, gathered a company 
and sat down by the falls of Pascataquack, and called their 
town Exeter; and for their enlargement they dealt with an 
Indian there, and bought of him Winicowett, etc., and then 
wrote to us what they had done, and that they intended to lot 
out all these lands in farms, except we could show a better 
title. They wrote also to those whom we had sent to plant 
Winicowett to have them desist, etc. These letters coming 
to the general court, they returned answer, that they looked 
at this their deahng as against good neighborhood, rehgion, 
and common honesty; that, knowing we claimed Winicowett 
as within our patent, or as vacuum domicilium, and had taken 
possession thereof by building an house there above two years 
since, they should now go and purchase an unknown title, 
and then come to inquire of our right. It was in the same 
letter also manifestly proved, that the Indians having only a 
natural right to so much land as they had or could improve, 
so as the rest of the country lay open to any that could and 
would improve it, as by the said letter more at large doth 

In this year one James Everell, a sober, discreet man, and 
two others, saw a great hght in the night at Muddy River. ^ 
When it stood still, it flamed up, and was about three yards 
square; when it ran, it was contracted into the figure of a 
swine : it ran as swift as an arrow towards Charlton, and so up 
and down about two or three hours. They were come down 
in their lighter about a mile, and, when it was over, they found 
themselves carried quite back against the tide to the place 
they came from. Divers other credible persons saw the same 
hght, after, about the same place. 

The general court, in the 7th mo. (September) last, gave 
order to the governor to write to them of Pascataquack, to 
signify to them, that we looked at it as an unneighborly part, 
that they should encourage and advance such as we had cast 

' Muddy River became Brookline, Massachusetts. 


out from us for their offences, before they had inquired of us 
the cause, etc. (The occasion of this letter was, that they had 
aided Mr. Wheelwright to begin a plantation there, and in- 
tended to make Capt. Underhill their governor in the room of 
Mr. Burdett, who had thrust out Capt. Wiggin, set in there by 
the lords, etc.) Upon this, Capt. Underhill (being chosen 
governor there) wrote a letter to a young gentleman, (who 
sojourned in the house of our governor,) wherein he reviles the 
governor with reproachful terms and imprecations of vengeance 
upon us all. This letter being showed to the governor and 
council, the governor, by advice, wrote the letter to Edward 
Hilton as is before mentioned, page [blank], mo. 10, (December) 
13. The captain was so nettled with this letter, and especially 
because his adulterous Hfe with the cooper's wife at Boston was 
now discovered, and the church had called him to come and 
make answer to it; but he made many excuses, as want of 
liberty, being a banished man, (yet the governor and council 
had sent him a safe conduct,) and upon his pretence of the 
insufficiency of that, the general court sent him another for 
three months. But, instead of coming, he procured a new 
church at Pascataquack of some few loose men (who had chosen 
one Mr. Ejiolles,^ a weak minister, lately come out of England, 
and rejected by us for holding some of Mrs. Hutchinson's 
opinions) to write to our church at Boston in his commenda- 

' This was Hanserd Knollys, famous among the early Baptists. A Lin- 
colnshire man, of Cambridge training, he found a patron in the liberal Bishop 
Williams of Lincoln, through whom he obtained a living as a Church of England 
priest. Becoming a separatist he fled to New England, and appears in Winthrop's 
Journal as minister of Dover, on the Piscataqua. Returning to England after 
a few disturbed years of sojourn, he found the tolerant spirit of the Common- 
wealth congenial. As schoolmaster and preacher, he was successful and obtained 
offices lucrative and influential. After the Restoration he was persecuted, under- 
going banishment, imprisonment and confiscation of property. He lived to the 
age of 92, preaching even when he could no longer stand, and writing much. 
Though stigmatized as weak, he played a conspicuous part, and was buried in 
Bunhill Fields with many other great non-conformists. See Gordon, in the 
Dictionary of National Biography, s. v. He appears to poor advantage in Win- 
throp, who could hardly be a candid judge of such a man. 


tion, wherein they style him the right worshipful, their honored 
governor; all which notwithstanding, the church of Boston 
proceeded with him ; and, in the mean time, the general court 
wrote to all the chief inhabitants of Pascataquack, and sent 
them a copy of his letters, (wherein he professeth himself to 
be an instrument ordained of God for our ruin,) to know, 
whether it were with their privity and consent, that he sent us 
such a defiance, etc., and whether they would maintain him in 
such practices against us, etc. 

Those of Pascataquack returned answer to us by two several 
letters. Those of the plantation disclaimed to have any hand 
in his miscarriages, etc., and offered to call him to account, etc., 
whensoever we would send any to inform against him. The 
others at the river's mouth disclaimed likewise, and showed 
their indignation against him for his insolences, and their readi- 
ness to join in any fair course for our satisfaction; only they 
desired us to have some compassion of him, and not to send 
any forces against him. 

After this, Capt. Underhill's courage was abated, for the 
chief est in the river fell from him, and the rest httle regarded 
him, so as he wrote letters of retractation to divers; and, to 
show his wisdom, he wrote a letter to the deputy and the 
court, (not mentioning the governor,) wherein he sent the 
copies of some of the governor's letters to Pascataquack, sup- 
posing that something would appear in them either to extenu- 
ate his fault, or to lay blame upon the governor ; but he failed 
in both, for the governor was able to make good what he had 

16.] There was so violent a wind at S. S. E. and S. as the 
like was not since we came into this land. It began in the 
evening, and increased till midnight. It overturned some new, 
strong houses ; but the Lord miraculously preserved old, weak 
cottages. It tare down fences, — people ran out of their houses 
in the night, etc. There came such a rain withal, as raised the 
waters at Connecticut twenty feet above their meadows etc. 


The Indians near Aquiday being pawwawing in this tempest , 
the devil came and fetched away five of them. Quere/ 

At Providence things grew still worse ; for a sister of Mrs. 
Hutchinson, the wife of one Scott, being infected with Ana- 
baptistry, and going last year to live at Providence, Mr. Wil- 
liams was taken (or rather emboldened) by her to make open 
profession thereof, and accordingly was rebaptized by one 
Holyman,^ a poor man late of Salem. Then Mr. Williams 
rebaptized him and some ten more. They also denied the bap- 
tizing of infants, and would have no magistrates. 

At Aquiday, also, Mrs. Hutchinson exercised pubhcly, and 
she and her party (some three or four famihes) would have no 
magistracy. She sent also an admonition to the church of 
Boston ; but the elders would not read it pubhcly, because she 
was excommunicated. By these examples we may see how 
dangerous it is to slight the censures of the church ; for it was 
apparent, that God had given them up to strange delusions. 
Those of Aquiday also had entertained two men, whom the 
church of Roxbury had excommunicated, and one of them did 
exercise publicly there. For this the church of Boston called 
in question such of them as were yet their members ; and Mr. 
Coddington, being present, not freely acknowledging his sin, 
(though he confessed himself in some fault,) was solemnly 

This is further to be observed in the delusions which this 
people were taken with: Mrs. Hutchinson and some of her 
adherents happened to be at prayer when the earthquake was 
at Aquiday, etc., and the house being shaken thereby, they 
were persuaded, (and boasted of it,) that the Holy Ghost did 
shake it in coming down upon them, as he did upon the apostles. 

(2.) (April.)] A plantation was begun between Ipswich 

* "Quere" here is the interpolation of a later hand. 

' Ezekiel Holiman, one of eleven who founded the first Baptist church in 
America, a helper of Roger Williams and an honored man. Magistracy was 
not wholly rejected either in Providence Plantation, or on Rhode Island, though 
government was in most particulars reduced to its lowest terms. 


and Newbury. The occasion was this: Mr. Eaton and Mr. 
Davenport having determined to sit down at Quinipiack, there 
came over one Mr. Ezekiel Rogers/ second son of that truly 
faithful servant of God, Mr. Richard Rogers of Weathersfield 
in England, and with him some twenty famiUes, godly men, 
and most of them of good estate. This Mr. Rogers, being a 
man of special note in England for his zeal, piety, and other 
parts, they labored by all means to draw with them to Quini- 
piack, and had so far prevailed with him, being newly come, 
and unacquainted with the state of the country, as they had 
engaged him ; yet, being a very wise man, and considering that 
many of quality in England did depend upon his choice of a 
fit place for them, he agreed upon such propositions and cau- 
tions, as, though they promised to fulfil them all, (whereupon 
he sent divers of his people thither before winter,) yet, when 
it came to, they were not able to make good what they had 
promised. Whereupon he consulted with the elders of the 
bay, and, by their advice, etc., holding his former engagement 
released, he and his people took that place by Ipswich; and 
because some farms had been granted by Ipswich and Newbury, 
which would be prejudicial to their plantation, they bought 
out the owners, disbursing therein about £800; and he sent 
a pinnace to Quinipiack to fetch back the rest of his people; 
but Mr. Eaton and Mr. Davenport, and others of Connecticut, 
(being impatient of the loss of him and his people,) staid the 
pinnace, and sent a messenger with letters of purpose to re- 
cover him again. This made him to desire the elders to as- 
semble again, and he showed them the letters they sent, 
(which wanted no arguments, though some truth;) but he 
made the case so clear, by letters which had passed between 
them, etc., as they held him still free from all engagement; 
and so he returned answer to them, and went on with his 

^ Ezekiel Rogers, already mentioned, preferred Massachusetts to Quini- 
piack (New Haven), founding Rowley as described. 


The Indians of Block Island sent, for their tribute this year, 
ten fathom of wampompeak. 

One Mr. Howe, of Lynn, a godly man, and a deputy of the 
last general court, after the court was ended, and he had dined, 
being in health as he used to be, went to pass over to Charles- 
town, and, being alone, he was presently after found dead upon 
the strand, being there (as it seemed) waiting for the boat, 
which came soon after. 

(3.) (May) 2.] Mr. Cotton, preaching out of the 8 of Kings, 
8, taught, that when magistrates are forced to provide for the 
maintenance of ministers, etc., then the churches are in a de- 
chning condition. There he showed, that the ministers' main- 
tenance should be by voluntary contribution, not by lands, or 
revenues, or tithes, etc.; for these have always been accom- 
panied with pride, contention, and sloth, etc.^ 

11.] The two chief sachems of Naragansett sent the gov- 
ernor a present of thirty fathom of wampom, and Sequin, the 
sachem of Connecticut, sent ten fathom. 

At Aquiday the people grew very tumultuous, and put out 
Mr. Coddington and the other three magistrates, and chose Mr. 
William Hutchinson only, a man of a very mild temper and 
weak parts, and wholly guided by his wife, who had been the 
beginner of all the former troubles in the country, and still 
continued to breed disturbance.^ 

They also gathered a church in a very disordered way; 
for they took some excommunicated persons, and others 
who were members of the church of Boston and not dismissed. 

6.] The two regiments in the bay were mustered at Bos- 

* Cotton's adoption of Congregationalism was gradual, but now he had 
been long thoroughly committed to its principles. 

' Probably William Hutchinson does not deserve such contemptuous treat- 
ment. Though no doubt less able and forceful than his wife, he stood by her 
loyally as did their children. He had the respect of his neighbors, as this elec- 
tion to high office shows, and was the progenitor of one of the most illustrious 
of Massachusetts families. Savage, in a "protracted note," gives reasons for 
doubting the accuracy of this picture of affairs in Aquiday. 


ton, to the number of one thousand soldiers, able men, and 
well armed and exercised. They were led, the one by the 
governor, who was general of all, and the other by the deputy, 
who was colonel, etc. The captains, etc., showed themselves 
very skilful and ready in divers sorts of skirmishes and other 
military actions, wherein they spent the whole day.^ 

One of Pascataquack, having opportunity to go into Mr. 
Burdet his study, and finding there the copy of his letter to the 
archbishops, sent it to the governor, which was to this effect: 
That he did delay to go into England, because he would fully 
inform himself of the state of the people here in regard of alle- 
giance; and that it was not discipline that was now so much 
aimed at, as sovereignty; and that it was accounted perjury 
and treason in our general courts to speak of appeals to the 

The first ships, which came this year, brought him letters 
from the archbishops and the lords commissioners for planta- 
tions, wherein they gave him thanks for his care of his majesty's 
service, etc., and that they would take a time to redress such 
disorders as he had informed them of, etc., but, by reason of the 
much business now lay upon them, they could not, at present, 
accomplish his desire. These letters lay above fourteen days 
in the bay, and some moved the governor to open them ; but 
himself and others of the council thought it not safe to meddle 
with them, nor would take any notice of them ; and it fell out 
well, by God's good providence; for the letters, (by some 
means) were opened, (yet without any of their privity or con- 
sent,) and Mr. Burdet threatened to complain of it to the lords; 
and afterwards we had knowledge of the contents of them by 
some of his own friends. 

The governor received letters from Mr. Cradock, and in 
them another order from the lords commissioners, to this effect : 

' For an interesting contemporary account of the military organization of 
early Massachusetts, see Johnson, Wondrr-Working Providence, book ii., chap. 
XXVI. ' The temper of the colonists is not misrepresented here. 


That, whereas they had received our petition upon their 
former order, etc., by which they perceived, that we were 
taken with some jealousies and fears of their intentions, etc., 
they did accept of our answer, and did now declare their 
intentions to be only to regulate all plantations to be sub- 
ordinate to the said commission; and that they meant to 
continue our hberties, etc., and therefore did now again per- 
emptorily require the governor to send them our patent by the 
first ship ; and that, in the mean time, they did give*us, by that 
order, full power to go on in the government of the people until 
we had a new patent sent us ; and, withal, they added threats 
of further course to be taken with us, if we failed. 

This order being imparted to the next general court, some 
advised to return answer to it. Others thought fitter to make 
no answer at all, because, being sent in a private letter, and not 
delivered by a certain messenger, as the former order was, 
they could not proceed upon it, because they could not have 
any proof that it was deUvered to the governor; and order 
was taken, that Mr. Cradock's agent, who dehvered the letter 
to the governor, etc., should, in his letters to his master, make 
no mention of the letters he delivered to the governor, seeing 
his master had not laid any charge upon him to that end. 

Mr. Haynes, the governor of Connecticut, and Mr. Hooker, 
etc., came into the bay, and staid near a month. It appeared 
by them, that they were desirous to renew the treaty of con- 
federation with us, and though themselves would not move 
it, yet, by their means, it was moved to our general court, 
and accepted ; for they were in some doubt of the Dutch, who 
had lately received a new governor, a more discreet and 
sober man than the former,^ and one who did complain much of 
the injury done to them at Connecticut, and was very forward 
to hold correspondency with us, and very inquisitive how 
things stood between us and them of Connecticut, which occa- 
sioned us the more readily to renew the former treaty, that the 

* The new Dutch governor was William Kieft. 


Dutch might not take notice of any breach or ahenation be- 
tween us. 

22.] The court of elections was; at which time there was a 
small eclipse of the sun. Mr. Winthrop was chosen governor 
again, though some laboring had been, by some of the elders 
and others to have changed, not out of any dislike of him, 
(for they all loved and esteemed him,) but out of their fear lest 
it might make way for having a governor for life, which some 
had propounded as most agreeable to God's institution and the 
practice of all well ordered states. But neither the governor 
nor any other attempted the thing; though some jealousies 
arose which were increased by two occasions. The first was, 
there being want of assistants, the governor and other magis- 
trates thought fit (in the warrant for the court) to propound 
three, amongst which Mr. Downing, the governor's brother- 
in-law,^ was one, which they conceived to be done to strength- 
en his party, and therefore, though he were known to be a 
very able man, etc., and one who had done many good offices 
for the country, for these ten years, yet the people would 
not choose him. Another occasion of their jealousy was, the 
court, finding the number of deputies to be much increased 
by the addition of new plantations, thought fit, for the ease 
both of the country and the court, to reduce all towns to two 
deputies. This occasioned some to fear, that the magistrates 
intended to make themselves stronger, and the deputies weaker, 
and so, in time, to bring all power into the hands of the mag- 
istrates ; so as the people in some towns were much displeased 
with their deputies for yielding to such an order. Whereupon, 
at the next session, it was propounded to have the number of 
deputies restored; and allegations were made, that it was an 
infringement of their liberty; so as, after much debate, and 
such reasons given for diminishing the number of deputies, 
and clearly proved that their liberty consisted not in the num- 

' Emanuel Downing and his wife Lucy, sister of the governor, arrived 
shortly before, and were properly held in great consideration. 


ber, but in the thing, divers of the deputies, who came with 
intent to reverse the last order, were, by force of reason, 
brought to uphold it ; so that, when it was put to the vote, 
the last order for two deputies only was confirmed. Yet, the 
next day, a petition was brought to the court from the freemen 
of Roxbury, to have the third deputy restored. Whereupon 
the reasons of the court's proceedings were set down in writing, 
and all objections answered, and sent to such towns as were 
unsatisfied with this advice, that, if any could take away those 
reasons, or bring us better for what they did desire, we should 
be ready, at the next court, to repeal the said order. 

The hands of some of the elders (learned and godly men) 
were to this petition, though suddenly drawn in, and without 
due consideration, for the lawfulness of it may well be ques- 
tioned : for when the people have chosen men to be their rul- 
ers, and to make their laws, and bound themselves by oath to 
submit thereto, now to combine together (a lesser part of them) 
in a pubhc petition to have any order repealed, which is not 
repugnant to the law of God, savors of resisting an ordinance 
of God; for the people, having deputed others, have no power 
to make or alter laws, but are to be subject; and if any such 
order seem unlawful or inconvenient, they were better prefer 
some reasons, etc., to the court, with manifestation of their de- 
sire to move them to a review, than peremptorily to petition to 
have it repealed, which amounts to a plain reproof of those 
whom God hath set over them, and putting dishonor upon 
them, against the tenor of the fifth commandment. 

There fell out at this court another occasion of increasing 
the people's jealousy of their magistrates, viz.: One of the 
elders, being present with those of his church, when they were 
to prepare their votes for the election, declared his judgment, 
that a governor ought to be for his hfe, alleging for his authority 
the practice of all the best commonwealths in Europe, and 
especially that of Israel by God's own ordinance. But this 
was opposed by some other of the elders with much zeal, 


and so notice was taken of it by the people, not as a matter 
of dispute, but as if there had been some plot to put it in 
practice, which did occasion the deputies, at the next session 
of this court, to deliver in an order drawn to this effect : That, 
whereas our sovereign lord, King Charles, etc., had, by his 
patent, established a governor, deputy and assistants, that 
therefore no person, chosen a counsellor for life, should have 
any authority as a magistrate, except he were chosen in the 
annual elections to one of the said places of magistracy es- 
tabhshed by the patent. This being thus bluntly tendered, 
(no mention being made thereof before,) the governor took 
time to consider of it, before he would put it to vote. So, 
when the court was risen, the magistrates advised of it, and 
drew up another order to this effect: That whereas, at the 
court in [blank,] it was ordered, that a certain number of mag- 
istrates should be chosen to be a standing council for life, etc., 
whereupon some had gathered that we had erected a new or- 
der of magistrates not warranted by our patent, this court 
doth therefore declare, that the intent of the order was, that 
the standing council should always be chosen out of the magis- 
trates, etc. ; and therefore it is now ordered, that no such coun- 
sellor shall have any power as a magistrate, nor shall do any 
act as a magistrate, etc., except he be annually chosen, etc., 
according to the patent; and this order was after passed by 
vote. That which led those of the council to yield to this 
desire of the deputies was, because it concerned themselves, 
and they did more study to remove these jealousies out of the 
people's heads, than to preserve any power or dignity to them- 
selves above others; for till this court those of the council, viz., 
Mr. Endecott, had stood and executed as a magistrate, without 
any annual election, and so they had been reputed by the elders 
and all the people till this present. But the order was drawn 
up in this form, that it might be of less observation and freer 
from any note of injury to make this alteration rather by way 
of explanation of the fundamental order, than without any 


cause shown to repeal that which had been established by 
serious advice of the elders, and had been in practice two or 
three years without any inconvenience. And here may be 
observed, how strictly the people would seem to stick to their 
patent, where they think it makes for their advantage, but are 
content to decline it, where it will not warrant such hberties 
as they have taken up without warrant from thence, as appears 
in their strife for three deputies, etc., when as the patent allows 
them none at all, but only by inference, etc., voting by proxies, 

The governor acquainted the general court, that, in these 
two last years of his government, he had received from the 
Indians, in presents, to the value of about £40, and that he 
had spent about £20 in entertainments of them and in presents 
to their sachems, etc. The court declared, that the presents 
were the governor's due, but the tribute was to be paid to the 

15.] Mr. Endecott and Mr. Stoughton, commissioners for 
us, and Mr. Bradford and Mr. Winslow for Plymouth, met at 
Hingham about deciding the difference between us concerning 
our bounds. Our commissioners had full power to determine, 
etc.; but theirs had not, although they had notice of it long 
before, and themselves had appointed the day. Whereupon 
the court ordered, that those of Hingham should make use of 
all the land near Conyhassett^ to the creek next Scituate, till 
the court should take further order ; and a letter was directed 
to the governor of Plymouth to the same effect, with declara- 
tion of the reasons of our proceeding, and readiness to give 
them a further meeting. The charges of their commissioners* 

* At the Court at which Vane was elected a Council for Life, appointed 
from the magistrates, was determined upon, following a suggestion of Lord Saye 
and Sele. Into this council were put Winthrop, Dudley, and a year later Endi- 
cott. Palfrey thinks this aristocratic innovation was set up in the hope of at- 
tracting over some high-born men. But it found no favor with the people and 
dropped out of the polity. Palfrey, History of New England, I. 441, 555, 614. 

^ Conyhasset, now Cohasset. See Bradford's account of the dispute, 
History of Plymouth Plantation, pp. 349, 350. 


diet was defrayed by us, because they met us within our own 

Those of Exeter repHed to our answer, standing still to main- 
tain the Indians' right, and their interest thereby. But, in the 
mean time, we had sent men to discover Merrimack, and found 
some part of it about Penkook^ to he more northerly than 
forty-three and a half. So we returned answer to them, that, 
though we would not relinquish our interest by priority of 
possession for any right they could have from the Indians, yet, 
seeing they had professed not to claim any thing which should 
fall within our patent, we would look no further than that in 
respect of their claim. 

One Mr. Ryall, having gotten a patent at Sagadahoc out of 
the grand patent,^ wrote to our governor and tendered it to 
our government, so as we would send people to possess it. The 
governor acquainted the general court with it, but nothing was 
done about it, for we were not ready for such a business, having 
enough to do at home. 

26.] Mr. Hooker being to preach at Cambridge, the gov- 
ernor and many others went to hear him, (though the governor 
did very seldom go from his own congregation upon the Lord's 
day). He preached in the afternoon, and having gone on, 
with much strength of voice and intention of spirit, about a 
quarter of an hour, he was at a stand, and told the people, that 
God had deprived him both of his strength and matter, etc., 
and so went forth, and about half an hour after returned again, 
and went on to very good purpose about two hours. 

There was at this time a very great drouth all over the 
country, both east and west, there being little or no rain from 
the 26th of the 2d month to the 10th of the 4th ; so as the corn 
generally began to wither, and great fear there was it would all 
be lost. Whereupon the general court conferred with the 

* Penkook or Pennacook, now Concord, N. H. 

* Presumably the royal patent of April 3, 1639, by which Maine was granted 
to Gorges. 


elders, and agreed upon a day of humiliation about a week 
after. The very day after the fast was appointed there fell 
a good shower, and, within one week after the day of humiUa- 
tion was past, we had such store of rain, and so seasonably, 
as the corn revived and gave hope of a very plentiful harvest. 
When the court and the elders were met about it, they con- 
sidered of such things as were amiss, which might provoke 
God against us, and agreed to acquaint their churches there- 
with, that they might be stirred up to bewail and reform them. 

(4.) (June.)] We were much afraid this year of a stop in 
England, by reason of the complaints which had been sent 
against us, and the great displeasure which the archbishops 
and others, the commissioners for plantations, had conceived 
and uttered against us, both for those complaints, and also for 
our not sending home our patent. But the Lord wrought for 
us beyond all expectation ; for the petition, which we returned 
in answer of the order sent for our patent, was read before the 
lords and well accepted, as is before expressed ; and ships came 
to us from England and divers other parts with great store of 
people and provisions of all sorts. 

About this time our people came from Isle Sable. A bark 
went for them, on the 2 of the 1 month, but by foul weather 
she was wrecked there, and of her ruins they made a small 
one, wherein they returned. It was found to be a great error 
to send thither before the middle of the 2 month. They had 
gotten store of seal oil and skins, and some horse teeth and 
black fox skins; but the loss of the vessel, etc., overthrew the 
hope of the design. 

The island is very healthful and temperate. We lost not 
one man in two years, nor any sick, etc. 

(5.) (July.)] The rent at Connecticut grew greater, not- 
withstanding the great pains which had been taken for healing 
it ; so as the church of Weathersfield itself was not only divided 
from the rest of the town, etc., but, of those seven which were 
the church, four fell off ; so as it was conceived, that thereby the 


church was dissolved, which occasioned the church of Water- 
town here (which had divers of their members there, not yet 
dismissed) to send two of their church to look after their mem- 
bers, and to take order with them. But the contention and 
aUenation of minds was such, as they could not bring them to 
any other accord than this, that the one party must remove to 
some other place, which they both consented to, but still the 
difficulty remained ; for those three, who pretended themselves 
to be the church, pleaded that privilege for their stay, and 
the others alleged their multitude, etc., so as neither would 
give place, whereby it seemed, that either they minded not the 
example of Abraham's offer to Lot, or else they wanted Abra- 
ham's spirit of peace and love. 

This controversy having called in Mr. Davenport and 
others of Quihpiack, for mediation, and they not according 
with those of Connecticut about the case, gave advantage to 
Satan to sow some seeds of contention between those planta- 
tions also ; but, being godly and wise men on both parts, things 
were easily reconciled. 

In this month there arrived two ships at Quilipiack. One 
was of three hundred and fifty tons, wherein came Mr. Fen- 
wick^ and his lady and family to make a plantation at Say- 
brook upon the mouth of Connecticut. Two other plantations 
were begun beyond Quilipiack, and every plantation intended 
a peculiar government. 

There were also divers new plantations begun this summer 
here and at Plymouth, as Colchester^ upon Merrimack, Sud- 
bury by Concord, (Winicowett was named Hampton,) Yar- 
mouth and Barnstaple by Cape Cod. 

Capt. Underhill, having been dealt with and convinced of 

' George Fenwick, a man of high birth and fortune, had, as a wife, Savage 
believes, a daughter of Sir Arthur Haselrig, a statesman and soldier of much 
note in the English Commonwealth. His part in Connecticut was important, 
but his name fails of frequent mention, perhaps because of his return to Eng- 
land, where he attained distinction. See Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts 
Bay, I. 100. ' Colchester soon became Salisbury. 


his great sin against God and the churches and state here, etc., 
returned to a better mind, and wrote divers letters to the 
governor and deputy, etc., bewaihng his offences, and craving 
pardon. See after, (1,) 5, 39, and (7,) 3, 40.' 

There was sent to the governor the copy of a letter written 
into England by Mr. Hansard Knolles of Pascataquack, where- 
in he had most falsely slandered this government, as that 
it was worse than the high commission, etc., and that here was 
nothing but oppression, etc., and not so much as a face of 
religion. The governor acquainted one of Pascataquack, Mr. 
Knolles his special friend,^ with it. Whereupon Mr. Knolles 
became very much perplexed, and wrote to the governor, ac- 
knowledging the wrong he had done us, and desired that his 
retractation might be published.^ The governor sent his letter 
into England, and kept a copy of it. See more of this after, 
(12,) 20, 1639.' 

At Providence matters went after the old manner. Mr. 
WilUams and many of his company, a few months since, were 
in all haste rebaptized, and denied communion with all others, 
and now he was come to question his second baptism, not being 
able to derive the authority of it from the apostles, otherwise 
than by the ministers of England, (whom he judged to be ill 
authority,) so as he conceived God would raise up some apos- 
toUc power. Therefore he bent himself that way, expecting 
(as was supposed) to become an apostle; and having, a little 
before, refused communion with all, save his own wife, now 
he would preach to and pray with all comers. Whereupon 
some of his followers left him and returned back from whence 
they went. 

(6.) (August) 27.] Here came a small bark from the West 

1/. e., March 5, 1639/40, and September 3, 1640. See those dates, post, 
the former under February 20. " /. e., Mr. Knolles's special friend. 

^ Hanserd Knollys had grounds for criticism, as the Journal shows. Re- 
tractation seems to have been common among these heretics and dissentients, 
when brought to account; but exile, prison, the "bilbowes," and the whip were 
terrifying penalties. */. e., February 20, 1639/40. 


Indies, one Capt. Jackson [?] in her, with commission from the 
Westminster company to take prize, etc., from the Spaniard. 
He brought much wealth in money, plate, indico, and sugar. 
He sold his indico and sugar here for £1400, wherewith he fur- 
nished himself with commodities, and departed again for the 
West Indies. 

A fishing trade was begun at Cape Ann by one Mr. Maurice 
Tomson, a merchant of London ; and an order was made, that 
all stocks employed in fishing should be free from public 
charge for seven years. This was not done to encourage 
foreigners to set up fishing among us, (for all the gains would 
be returned to the place where they dwelt,) but to encourage 
our own people to set upon it, and in expectation that Mr. 
Tomson, etc., would, ere long, come settle with us. 

(7.) (September.)] Here was such store of exceeding large 
and fat mackerel upon our coast this season, as was a great 
benefit to all our plantations. Some one boat with three men 
would take, in a week, ten hogsheads, which was sold at 
Connecticut for £3.12 the hogshead. 

There were such swarms of small flies, like moths, came 
from the southward, that they covered the sea, and came flying 
like drifts of snow; but none of them were seen upon the land. 

(7.) (September) 17.] A church was gathered at the Mount.^ 

4.] At the general court at Boston, one Mr. Nathaniel 
Eaton, brother to the merchant at Quihpiack,^ was convented 
and censured. The occasion was this: He was a school- 
master, and had many scholars, the sons of gentlemen and 
others of best note in the country, and had entertained one 
Nathaniel Briscoe, a gentleman born, to be his usher, and to 
do some other things for him, which might not be unfit for a 
scholar. He had not been with him above three days but he 
fell out with him for a very small occasion, and, with reproach- 
ful terms, discharged him, and turned him out of his doors; 
but, it being then about eight of the clock after the Sabbath, 

^ Mount Wollaston. * /. e., to Theophilus Eaton of New Haven. 


he told him he should stay till next morning, and, some words 
growing between them, he struck him and pulled him into his 
house. Briscoe defended himself, and closed with him, and, 
being parted, he came in and went up to his chamber to lodge 
there. Mr. Eaton sent for the constable, who advised him 
first to admonish him, etc., and if he could not, by the power of 
a master, reform him, then he should complain to the magis- 
trate. But he caused his man to fetch him a cudgel, which 
was a walnut tree plant, big enough to have killed a horse, and 
a yard in length, and, taking his two men with him, he went 
up to Briscoe, and caused his men to hold him till he had given 
him two hundred stripes about the head and shoulders, etc., 
and so kept him under blows (with some two or three short in- 
termissions) about the space of two hours, about which time 
Mr. Shepherd and some others of the town came in at the out- 
cry, and so he gave over. In this distress Briscoe gate out 
his knife, and struck at the man that held him, but hurt him 
not. He also fell to prayer, (supposing he should have been 
murdered,) and then Mr. Eaton beat him for taking the name 
of God in vain. After this Mr. Eaton and Mr. Shepherd (who 
knew not then of these passages) came to the governor and 
some other of the magistrates, complaining of Briscoe for his 
insolent speeches, and for crjdng out murder and drawing his 
knife, and desired that he might be enjoined to a pubhc ac- 
knowledgment, etc. The magistrates answered, that they 
must first hear him speak, and then they would do as they 
should see cause. Mr. Eaton was displeased at this, and went 
away discontented, etc., and, being after called into the court 
to make answer to the information, which had been given by 
some who knew the truth of the case, and also to answer for 
his neglect and cruelty, and other ill usage towards his scholars, 
one of the elders (not suspecting such miscarriages by him) 
came to the governor, and showed himself much grieved, that 
he should be pubhcly produced, alleging, that it would derogate 
from his authority and reverence among his scholars, etc. 


But the cause went on notwithstanding, and he was called, and 
these things laid to his charge in the open court. His answers 
were full of pride and disdain, telling the magistrates, that 
they should not need to do any thing herein, for he was in- 
tended to leave his employment. And being asked, why he 
used such cruelty to Briscoe his usher, and to other his scholars, 
(for it was testified by another of his ushers and divers of his 
scholars, that he would give them between twenty and thirty 
stripes at a time, and would not leave till they had confessed 
what he required,) his answer was, that he had this rule, that 
he would not give over correcting till he had subdued the party 
to his will. Being also questioned about the ill and scant 
diet of his boarders, (for, though their friends gave large al- 
lowance, yet their diet was ordinarily nothing but porridge 
and pudding, and that very homely,) he put it off to his wife.* 
So the court dismissed him at present, and commanded him to 

' Savage gives here a curious paper, apparently the confession of Mrs. 
Eaton, detailing the hardships of old-time students. Of this we quote some 
portions. "For their breakfast, that it was not so well ordered, the flour not 
so fine as it might, nor so well boiled or stirred, at all times that it was so, it was 
my sin of neglect, and want of that care that ought to have been in one that the 
Lord had intrusted with such a work. . . , And that they had not so good or 
so much provision in my husband's absence as presence, I conceived it was, 
because he would call sometimes for butter or cheese, when I conceived there 
was no need of it; yet, forasmuch as the scholars did otherways apprehend, I 
desire to see the evil that was in the carriage of that as well as in the other, and 
to take shame to myself for it. And that they sent down for more, when they 
had not enough, and the maid should answer, if they had not, they should not, 
I must confess, that I have denied them cheese, when they have sent for it, and 
it have been in the house; for which 1 shall humbly beg pardon of them, and 
own the shame, and confess my sin. . . . For the Moor [probably a slave] his 
lying in Sam. Hough's sheet and pillow-bier, it hath a truth in it: he did so one 
time, and it gave Sam. Hough just cause of offence; and that it was not pre- 
vented by my care and watchfulness, I desire [to] take the shame and the sorrow 
for it. . . . For beer and bread, that it was denied them by me betwixt meals, 
truly I do not remember, that ever I did deny it unto them; and John Wilson 
will affirm that, generally, the bread and beer was free for the boarders to go 
unto. . . . And for their wanting beer, betwixt brewings, a week or half a 
week together, I am sorry that it was so at any time, and should tremble to have 
it so, were it in my hands to do again." Hough and Wilson, mentioned in the 
passage, were sons respectively of a magistrate and elder, and the institution was 
Harvard College. 


attend again the next day, when, being called, he was com- 
manded to the lower end of the table, (where all offenders do 
usually stand,) and, being openly convict of all the former 
offences, by the oaths of four or five witnesses, he yet continued 
to justify himself; so, it being near night, he was committed 
to the marshall till the next day. When the court was set 
in the morning, many of the elders came into the court, (it 
being then private for matter of consultation,) and declared 
how, the evening before, they had taken pains with him, to 
convince him of his faults; yet, for divers hours, he had still 
stood to his justification ; but, in the end, he was convinced, 
and had freely and fully acknowledged his sin, and that with 
tears ; so as they did hope he had truly repented, and therefore 
desired of the court that he might be pardoned, and continued 
in his employment, alleging such further reasons as they 
thought fit. After the elders were departed, the court con- 
sulted about it, and sent for him, and there, in the open court, 
before a great assembly, he made a very solid, wise, eloquent, 
and serious (seeming) confession, condemning himself in all 
the particulars, etc. Whereupon, being put aside, the court 
consulted privately about his sentence, and, though many were 
taken with his confession, and none but had a charitable 
opinion of it; yet, because of the scandal of reUgion, and 
offence which would be given to such as might intend to send 
their children hither, they all agreed to censure him, and put 
him from that employment. So, being called in, the governor, 
after a short preface, etc., declared the sentence of the court to 
this effect, viz.: that he should give Briscoe £30, fined 100 
marks, and debarred teaching of children within our jurisdic- 
tion. A pause being made, and expectation that (according 
to his former confession) he would have given glory to God, 
and acknowledged the justice and clemency of the court, the 
governor giving him occasion, by asking him if he had ought to 
say, he turned away with a discontented look, saying, ''If 
sentence be passed, then it is to no end to speak." Yet the 


court remitted his fine to £20, and willed Briscoe to take but 

The church at Cambridge, taking notice of these proceedings, 
intended to deal with him. The pastor moved the governor, 
if they might, without offence to the court, examine other wit- 
nesses. His answer was, that the court would leave them to 
their own liberty ; but he saw not to what end they should do 
it, seeing there had been five ah'eady upon oath, and those 
whom they should examine should speak without oath, and it 
was an ordinance of God, that by the mouths of two or three 
witnesses every matter should be established. But he soon 
discovered himself; for, ere the church could come to deal with 
him, he fled to Pascataquack, and, being pursued and appre- 
hended by the governor there, he again asknowledged his 
great sin in flying, etc., and promised (as he was a Christian 
man) he would return with the messengers. But, because his 
things he carried with him were aboard a bark there, bound to 
Virginia, he desired leave to go fetch them, which they assented 
unto, and went with him (three of them) aboard with him. So 
he took his truss and came away with them in the boat ; but, 
being come to the shore, and two of them going out of the boat, 
he caused the boatsmen to put off the boat, and because 
the third man would not go out, he turned him into the 
water, where he had been drowned, if he had not saved him- 
self by swimming. So he returned to the bark, and presently 
they set sail and went out of the harbor. Being thus gone, his 
creditors began to complain ; and thereupon it was found, that 
he was run in debt about £1000, and had taken up most of 
this money upon bills he had charged into England upon his 
brother's agents, and others whom he had no such relation to. 
So his estate was seized, and put into commissioners' hands, 
to be divided among his creditors, allowing somewhat for the 
present maintenance of his wife and children. And, being 
thus gone, the church proceeded and cast him out. He 
had been sometimes initiated among the Jesuits, and, coming 


into England, his friends drew him from them, but, it was 
very probable, he now intended to return to them again, 
being at this time about thirty years of age, and upwards. 
See after. 

7. {September) 17.] Mount Woollaston had been formerly 
laid to Boston ; but many poor men having lots assigned them 
there, and not able to use those lands and dwell still in Boston, 
they petitioned the town first to have a minister there, and 
after to have leave to gather a church there, which the town 
at length (upon some small composition) gave way unto. So, 
this day, they gathered a church after the usual manner, and 
chose one Mr. Tomson, a very gracious, sincere man, and Mr. 
FUnt, a godly man also, their ministers. 

Mo. 9 (November).] At a general court holden at Boston, 
great complaint was made of the oppression used in the country 
in sale of foreign commodities; and Mr. Robert Keaine,* who 
kept a shop in Boston, was notoriously above others observed 
and complained of; and, being con vented, he was charged 
with many particulars ; in some, for taking above six-pence in 
the shilling profit; in some above eight-pence; and, in some 
small tilings, above two for one ; and being hereof convict, (as 
appears by the records,) he was fined £200, which came thus 
to pass: The deputies considered, apart, of his fine, and set 
it at £200; the magistrates agreed but to £100. So, the court 
being divided, at length it was agreed, that his fine should be 
£200, but he should pay but £100, and the other should be 
respited to the further consideration of the next general court. 
By this means the magistrates and deputies were brought to an 
accord, which otherwise had not been likely, and so much 
trouble might have grown, and the offender escaped censure. 
For the cry of the country was so great against oppression, and 

» Robert Keayne, here disciplined for extortion, lived long in the colony, a 
rich and well connected man. His daughter married a son of Thomas Dudley, 
and he himself was brother-in-law of John Wilson. He appears again in the 
story, sometimes falling into disfavor, though commonly a man well at the front. 


some of the elders and magistrates had declared such detesta- 
tion of the corrupt practice of this man (which was the more 
observable, because he was wealthy and sold dearer than most 
other tradesmen, and for that he was of ill report for the like 
covetous practice in England, that incensed the deputies very 
much against him). And sure the course was very evil, 
especial circumstances considered: 1. He being an ancient 
professor of the gospel: 2. A man of eminent parts: 3. 
Wealthy, and having but one child : 4. Having come over for 
conscience' sake, and for the advancement of the gospel here: 
5. Having been formerly dealt with and admonished, both by 
private friends and also by some of the magistrates and elders, 
and having promised reformation ; being a member of a church 
and commonwealth now in their infancy, and under the curious 
observation of all churches and civil states in the world. 
These added much aggravation to his sin in the judgment of all 
men of understanding. Yet most of the magistrates (though 
they discerned of the offence clothed with all these circum- 
stances) would have been more moderate in their censure: 1. 
Because there was no law in force to Hmit or direct men in point 
of profit in their trade. 2. Because it is the common practice, 
in all countries, for men to make use of advantages for raising 
the prices of their commodities. 3. Because (though he were 
chiefly aimed at, yet) he was not alone in this fault. 4. Be- 
cause all men through the country, in sale of cattle, corn, labor, 
etc., were guilty of the Hke excess in prices. 5. Because a 
certain rule could not be found out for an equal rate between 
buyer and seller, though much labor had been bestowed in it, 
and divers laws had been made, which, upon experience, were 
repealed, as being neither safe nor equal. Lastly, and es- 
pecially, because the law of God appoints no other punishment 
but double restitution ; and, in some cases, as where the offend- 
er freely confesseth, and brings his offering, only half added to 
the principal. After the court had censured him, the church 
of Boston called him also in question, where (as before he had 


done in the court) he did, with tears, acknowledge and bewail 
his covetous and corrupt heart, yet making some excuse for 
many of the particulars, which were charged upon him, as 
partly by pretence of ignorance of the true price of some wares, 
and chiefly by being misled by some false principles, as 1. 
That, if a man lost in one commodity, he might help himself in 
the price of another. 2. That if, through want of skill or 
other occasion, his commodity cost him more than the price of 
the market in England, he might then sell it for more than the 
price of the market in New England, etc. These things gave 
occasion to Mr. Cotton, in his public exercise the next lecture 
day, to lay open the error of such false principles, and to give 
some rules of direction in the case. 
Some false principles were these: — 

1. That a man might sell as dear as he can, and buy as 
cheap as he can. 

2. If a man lose by casualty of sea, etc., in some of his 
commodities, he may raise the price of the rest. 

3. That he may sell as he bought, though he paid too dear, 
etc., and though the commodity be fallen, etc. 

4. That, as a man may take the advantage of his own skill 
or abihty, so he may of another's ignorance or necessity. 

5. Where one gives time for payment, he is to take Hke 
recompense of one as of another. 

The rules for trading were these: — 

1. A man may not sell above the current price, i.e., such a 
price as is usual in the time and place, and as another (who 
knows the worth of the commodity) would give for it, if he 
had occasion to use it ; as that is called current money, which 
every man will take, etc. 

2. When a man loseth in his commodity for want of skill, 
etc., he must look at it as his own fault or cross, and therefore 
must not lay it upon another. 

3. Where a man loseth by casualty of sea, or, etc., it is a 
loss cast upon himself by providence, and he may not ease 


himself of it by casting it upon another; for so a man should 
seem to provide against all providences, etc., that he should 
never lose; but where there is a scarcity of the commodity, 
there men may raise their price; for now it is a hand of God 
upon the commodity, and not the person. 

4. A man may not ask any more for his commodity than 
his selling price, as Ephron to Abraham, the land is worth thus 

The cause being debated by the church, some were earnest 
to have him excommunicated; but the most thought an admo- 
nition would be sufficient. Mr. Cotton opened the causes, 
which required excommunication, out of that in 1 Cor. 5. 11. 
The point now in question was, whether these actions did de- 
clare him to be such a covetous person, etc. Upon which he 
showed, that it is neither the habit of covetousness, (which is 
in every man in some degree,) nor simply the act, that declares a 
man to be such, but when it appears, that a man sins against 
his conscience, or the very light of nature, and when it appears 
in a man's whole conversation. But Mr. Keaine did not appear 
to be such, but rather upon an error in his judgment, being 
led by false principles; and, beside, he is otherwise Hberal, as 
in his hospitality, and in church communion, etc. So, in the 
end, the church consented to an admonition. 

Upon this occasion a question grew, whether an admonition 
did bar a man from the sacrament, etc. Of this more shall be 
spoken hereafter. 

Being now about church matters, I will here insert another 
passage in the same church, which fell out about the same 
time. Their old meeting-house, being decayed and too small, 
they sold it away, and agreed to build another, which workmen 
undertook to set up for £600. Three himdred they had for the 
old, and the rest was to be gathered by voluntary contributions, 
as other charges were. But there grew a great difference 
among the brethren, where this new one should stand. Some 

This laying down by John Cotton of commercial ethics is interesting. 


were for the green, (which was the governor's first lot, and he 
had yielded it to the church, etc. ;) others, viz., the tradesmen, 
especially, who dwelt about the market place, desired it might 
stand still near the market, lest in time it should divert the 
chief trade from thence. The church referred it to the judg- 
ment and determination of five of the brethren, who agreed, 
that the fittest place (all things considered) would be near the 
market; but, understanding that many of the brethren were 
unsatisfied, and desired rather it might be put to a lot, they 
declared only their opinions in writing, and respited the full 
determination to another general meeting, thinking it very 
unsafe to proceed with the discontent of any considerable part 
of the church. When the church met, the matter was debated 
to and fro, and grew at length to some earnestness, etc. ; but, 
after Mr. Cotton had cleared it up to them, that the removing 
it to the green would be a damage to such as dwelt by the 
market, who had there purchased and built at great charge, but 
it would be no damage to the rest to have it by the market, 
because it would be no less, but rather more convenient for 
them, than where the former stood, they all yielded to have 
it set by the market place ; and, though some remained still in 
their opinion, that the green were the fitter place, yet, for peace 
sake, they yielded to the rest by keeping silence while it passed.^ 
This good providence and overruhng hand of God caused 
much admiration and acknowledgment of special mercy 
to the church, especially considering how long the hke conten- 
tion had held in some other churches, and with what difficulty 
they had been accorded. 

(7.) (September.)] At the court of assistants, one Marma- 
duke Percy, of Salem, was arraigned for the death of one 
[blank], his apprentice. The great inquest found the bill for 
murder; the jury of life and death could not agree; so they 
were adjourned to the next court, and Percy was let to bail by 

* The Green included the present site of the Old South Church. The new 
church was finally placed at the head of the present State Street. 


the governor and some other of the magistrates, after the court. 
At the court in lOber (December), the prisoner appeared, and 
the jury being called, had further evidence given them, which 
tended to the clearing of Percy; yet two of the jury dissented 
from the rest, who were all agreed to acquit him. In the end 
it had this issue, that these two were silent, and so the verdict 
was received. The cause was this : The boy was ill disposed, 
and his master gave him unreasonable correction, and used 
him ill in his diet. After, the boy gate a bruise on his head, 
so as there appeared a fracture in his skull, being dissected 
after his death. Now, two things were in the evidence, which 
made the case doubtful ; one, the boy his charging his master, 
before his death, to have given him that wound with his meat- 
yard^ and with a broomstaff (for he spake of both at several 
times ;) the other was, that he had told another, that his hurt 
came with the fall of a bough from a tree ; and other evidence 
there was none. 

4.] At the general court, etc., the inhabitants of the upper 
part of Pascataquack, viz. Dover, etc., had written to the gov- 
ernor to offer themselves to come under our government. 
Answer was returned them, that, if they sent two or three of 
their company, with full commission, under all their hands, to 
conclude, etc., it was hke the court would agree to their propo- 
sitions. And now, at this court, came three with commission 
to agree upon certain articles annexed to their commission, 
which being read, the court appointed three to treat with them ; 
but, their articles being not reasonable, they stood not upon 
them, but confessed that they had absolute commission to con- 
clude by their discretion. Whereupon the treaty was brought 
to a conclusion to this effect : That they should be as Ipswich 
and Salem, and have courts there, etc., as by the copy of the 
agreement remaining with the recorder doth appear. This 
was ratified under our public seal, and so dehvered to them; 
only they desired a promise from the court, that, if the people 

^ Meteyard, a stick for meting or measuring. 


did not assent to it, (which yet they had no fear of,) they might 
be at Uberty, which was granted them. 

Those of Exeter sent the Hke propositions to the court ; but 
not hking (it seems) the agreement, which those of Dover had 
made, they repented themselves, and wrote to the court, that 
they intended not to proceed/ 

At this court there fell out some contestation between the 
governor and the treasurer.^ Nicholas Trerice being defend- 
ant in a cause, wherein Mr. Hibbins,' brother-in-law to the 
treasurer, was plaintiff, for £500, which the searchers took 
from him in the ship, whereof Trerice was master, and the 
defendant having answered upon oath to certain interrogatories 
ministered unto him, (and which were read to him before he 
took his oath,) and the treasurer pressing him again with the 
same interrogatory, the governor said, he had answered the 
same directly before. The treasurer thereupon said, (angrily,) 
Sir, I speak not to you. The governor replied, that time was 
very precious, and, seeing the thing was already answered, it 
was fit to proceed. Thereupon the treasurer stood up, and 
said, if he might not have Hberty to speak, he would no longer 
sit there. The governor repHed, that it was his place to man- 
age the proceedings of the court, etc. The treasurer then said, 
You have no more to do in managing the business here than I. 
At which the governor took offence, as at an injury done to 
his place, and appealed to the comt to declare, whether he 
might not enjoin any of the magistrates silence, if he saw 
cause. The deputy governor, at first apprehension, gainsaid 
it; but, presently, both himself and the rest of the magistrates 
(for the deputies were without, staying till this cause should be 
ended) did agree, that he might so do for a particular time; 

* Here we see the stirrings of an impulse to come together which before 
long brought about the confederation of the colonies, at which we shall soon 
glance. ' The treasurer was Bellingham, afterward governor. 

^ William Hibbins was a citizen of repute whose wife attained a tragic 
notoriety. Disordered in mind, as Hubbard relates, General History of New 
England, p. 574, she was put to death as a witch in 1656. 


and if the party, so enjoined silence, were unsatisfied, he might 
appeal to the whole court, who might give him liberty to speak, 
though the governor had restrained him. So the governor 
pressed it no further, yet expected that the court would not 
have suffered such a public affront to the governor to have 
passed without due reproof, etc. But nothing was done, save 
only the secretary and some one other spake somewhat of their 
dislike of it; neither did it occasion any falling out between 
the governor and treasurer, for the governor held himself 
sufficiently discharged, after he had referred it to the considera- 
tion of the court, so as, if they did not look at it as a pubfic 
injury, he was willing to account of it accordingly. 

There happened a memorable thing at Plymouth about this 
time. One Kcysar, of Lynn, being at Plymouth in his boat, 
and one Dickcrson with him, a professor, but a notorious thief, 
was coming out of the harbor with the ebb, and the wind 
southerly, a fresh gale ; yet, with all their skill and labor, they 
could not, in three hours, get the boat above one league, so as 
they were forced to come to an anchor, and, at the flood, to go 
back to the town ; and, as soon as they were come in, the said 
Dickerson was arrested upon suspicion of a gold ring and some 
other pieces of gold, which, upon search, were found about him, 
and he was there whipped for it. 

The like happened at Boston about two years before. 
Schooler, who was executed for murder, as before is men- 
tioned, had broke prison and was escaped beyond Winisemett, 
but there he was taken with such an astonishment, etc., as he 
could go no further, but was forced to return to Boston. These 
and many other examples of discovering hypocrites and other 
lewd persons, and bringing them under their deserved punish- 
ments, do (among other things) show the presence and power 
of God in his ordinances, and his blessing upon his people, 
while they endeavor to walk before him with uprightness. 

At Kenncbeck, the Indians wanting food, and there being 
store in the Plymouth trading house, they conspired to kill the 


English there for their provisions; and some Indians coming 
into the house, Mr. Willet/ the master of the house, being 
reading in the Bible, his countenance was more solemn than 
at other times, so as he did not look cheerfully upon them, as 
he was wont to do; whereupon they went out and told their 
fellows, that their purpose was discovered. They asked them, 
how it could be. The others told them, that they knew it by 
Mr. Willet's countenance, and that he had discovered it by a 
book that he was reading. Wliereupon they gave over their 

The people had long desired a body of laws,^ and thought 
their condition very unsafe, while so much power rested in the 
discretion of magistrates. Divers attempts had been made at 
former courts, and the matter referred to some of the magis- 
trates and some of the ciders; but still it came to no effect; for, 
being committed to the care of many, whatsoever was done by 
some, was still disliked or neglected by others. At last it was 
referred to Mr. Cotton and Mr. Nathanic^I Warde, etc., and 
each of them framed a model, whi(^h were presented to this 
general court, and by them committetl to the governor and 
deputy and some others to consider of, and so prepare it for the 
court in the 3d month next. Two great reasons there were, 
which caused most of the magistrates and some of the elders 
not to be very forward in this matter. One was, want of 
sufficient experience of the nature and disposition of the people, 
considered with the condition of the country and other cir- 
cumstances, which made them conceive, that such laws would 

* Thomas Willett, afterward the first mayor of New York. 

' The Body of Liberties, which at length came into existence in response to 
the desire of the people here referred to, is a code of great interest, esteemed in 
its time comparable only to Magna Charta and the (^ommon Law of England, 
and important in the history of constitutional development. It was mainly the 
work of Nathaniel Ward, of Ipswich, a man of bright mind, well versed in the 
law; though Cotton had a hand in it. A work of value here is Whitmore, The 
Colonial Laws of Massachusetts (Boston, 1889). See also Old Smith Leaflets, 
no. 164, The Massachusetts Body of Liberties, with scholarly annotation by 
Edwin D. Mead. 


be fittest for us, which should arise pro re nata upon occasions, 
etc., and so the laws of England and other states grew, and 
therefore the fundamental laws of England are called customs, 
consuetudines. 2. For that it would professedly transgress 
the Umits of our charter, which provide, we shall make no 
laws repugnant to the laws of England, and that we were as- 
sured we must do. But to raise up laws by practice and custom 
had been no transgression ; as in our church discipline, and in 
matters of marriage, to make a law, that marriages should not 
be solemnized by ministers, is repugnant to the laws of Eng- 
land; but to bring it to a custom by practice for the magis- 
trates to perform it, is no law made repugnant, etc. At 
length (to satisfy the people) it proceeded, and the two 
models were digested with divers alterations and additions, 
and abbreviated and sent to every town, (12,) to be con- 
sidered of first by the magistrates and elders, and then to be 
pubUshed by the constables to all the people, that if any man 
should think fit, that any thing therein ought to be altered, 
he might acquaint some of the deputies therewith against the 
next court. 

By this time there appeared a great change in the church of 
Boston ; for whereas, the year before, they were all (save five 
or six) so affected to Mr. Wheelwright and Mrs. Hutchinson, 
and those new opinions, -as they slighted the present governor 
and the pastor, looking at them as men under a covenant of 
works, and as their greatest enemies; but they bearing all 
patiently, and not withdrawing themselves, (as they were 
strongly solicited to have done,) but carrying themselves lov- 
ingly and helpfully upon all occasions, the Lord brought about 
the hearts of all the people to love and esteem them more than 
ever before, and all breaches were made up, and the church 
was saved from ruin beyond all expectation; which could 
hardly have been, (in human reason,) if those two had not been 
guided by the Lord to that moderation, -etc. And the church 
(to manifest their hearty affection to the governor, upon occa- 


sion of some strait he was brought into through his baihff's 
unfaithfuhiess) sent him £200. 

There was now a* church gathered at the Mount, and Mr. 
Tomson (a very holy man, who had. been an instrument of 
much good at Acomenticus) was ordained the pastor the 19th 
of the 9th month. 

(10.) (December.)] At the general court, an order was made 
to abohsh that vain custom of drinking one to another, and 
that upon these and other grounds: 

1. It was a thing of no good use. 

2. It was an inducement to drunkenness, and occasion of 
quarrelling and bloodshed. 

3. It occasioned much waste of wine and beer. 

4. It was very troublesome to many, especially the masters 
and mistresses of the feast, who were forced thereby to drink 
more oft than they would, etc. Yet divers (even godly persons) 
were very loath to part with this idle ceremony, though (when 
disputation was tendered) they had no list, nor, indeed, 
could find any arguments, to maintain it. Such power hath 
custom, etc.^ 

Mr. Ezekiel Rogers, of whose gathering of a church in Eng- 
land mentioned was made before, being now settled with his 
company at Rowley, was there ordained pastor, etc. 

3.] There were so many lectures now in the country, and 
many poor persons would usually resort to two or three in the 
week, to the great neglect of their affairs, and the damage of 
the pubUc. The assembhes also were (in divers churches) held 
till night, and sometimes within the night, so as such as dwelt 
far off could not get home in due season, and many weak bodies 
could not endure so long, in the extremity of the heat or cold, 
without great trouble, and hazard of their health. Whereupon 
the general court ordered, that the elders should be desired to 

* We have frequent occasion to remark in Winthrop superstition and limita- 
tion of various kinds. With all this he had also strong good sense, and that 
appears in this passage relating to the drink habit. 


give a meeting to the magistrates and deputies, to consider 
about the length and frequency of church assemblies, and to 
make return to the court of their determinations, etc. This was 
taken in ill part by most of the elders and other of the churches, 
so as that those who should have met at Salem, did not meet, 
and those in the bay, when they met with the magistrates, etc., 
at Boston, expressed much disHke of such a course, alleging 
their tenderness of the chm-ch's hberties, (as if such a precedent 
might enthrall them to the civil power, and as if it would cast 
a blemish upon the elders, which would remain to posterity, 
that they should need to be regulated by the civil magistrate, 
and also raise an ill savor of the people's coldness, that would 
complain of much preaching, etc., — when as liberty for the 
ordinances was the main end (professed) of our coming hither). 
To which it was answered, 1. That the order was framed with 
as much tenderness and respect as might be in general words, 
without mentioning sermons or lectures, so as it might as well 
be taken for meetings upon other occasions of the churches, 
which were known to be very frequent. 2. It carried no com- 
mand, but only an expression of a desire. 3. It concluded 
nothing, but only to confer and consider. 4. The record of 
such an order will be rather an argument of the zeal and for- 
wardness of the elders and churches, as it was of the Israehtes', 
when they offered so Uberally to the service of the tabernacle, 
as Moses was forced to restrain them. Upon tliis interpreta- 
tion of the court's intent, the elders were reasonably satisfied, 
and the magistrates finding how hardly such propositions 
would be digested, and that, if matters should be further 
pushed, it might make some breach, or disturbance at least, 
(for the elders had great power in the people's hearts, which 
was needful to be upheld, lest the people should break their 
bonds through abuse of hberty, which divers, having surfeited 
of, were very forward to indte others to raise mutinies and 
foment dangerous and groundless jealousies of the magistrates, 
etc., which the wisdom and care of the elders did still prevail 


against ; and indeed the people themselves, generally, through 
the churches, were of that understanding and moderation, as 
they would easily be guided in their way by any rule from 
scripture or sound reason:) in this consideration, the magis- 
trates and deputies, which were then met, thought it not fit to 
enter any dispute or conference with the elders about the num- 
ber of lectures, or for appointing any certain time for the con- 
tinuance of the assembUes, but rested satisfied with their affir- 
mative answer to these two propositions : 1. That their church 
assembUes might ordinarily break up in such season, as people 
that dwell a mile or two off might get home by dayhght. 2. 
That, if they were not satisfied in the declaration of our inten- 
tions in this order of court, that nothing was attempted herein 
against the church's hberties, etc., they would truly acquaint 
us with the reasons of their unsatisfiedness ; or, if we heard not 
from them before the next court, we should take it for granted, 
that they were fully satisfied. They desired, that the order 
might be taken off the record; but for that it was answered, 
that it might not be done without consent of the general court ; 
only it was agreed unto, that the secretary might defer to enter 
it in the book till the mind of the court might be known. 


(12.) (February) 20.] One Mr. Hanserd Knolles, a minister 
in England, who came over the last summer in the company of 
om* famihstical opinionists, and so being suspected and exam- 
ined, and found incUning that way, was denied residence in the 
Massachusetts ; whereupon he went to Pascataquack, where he 
began to preach; but Mr. Burdett, being then their governor 
and preacher, inhibited him. But, he being after removed to 
Acomenticus, the people called Mr. Knolles, and in short time 
he gathered some of the best minded into a church body, and 
became their pastor, and Capt. Underbill being their governor, 
they called their town Dover. But this Mr. Knolles, at his 
first coming thither, wrote a letter to his friends in London, 
wherein he bitterly inveighed against us, both against our 
magistrates and churches, and against all the people in general, 
(as by the copy of his letter sent over to our governor may 
appear). The governor gave him notice thereof, and, being 
brought to a better judgment by further consideration and 
more experience, he saw the wrong he had done us, and was 
deeply humbled for it, and wrote to the governor to that effect, 
and desired a safe conduct, that he might come into the bay to 
give satisfaction, etc., for he could have no rest in his spirit 
until, etc. ; which being sent him under the governor his hand, 
(with consent of the council,) he came, and, upon a lecture day 
at Boston, (most of the magistrates and elders in the bay being 
there assembled,) he made a very free and full confession of 
his offence, with much aggravation against himself, so as the 
assembly were well satisfied. He wrote also a letter to the 
same effect to his said friends in England, which he left with 
the governor to be sent to them. 

Capt. Underbill, also, being struck with horror and remorse 



for his offences, both against the church and civil state, could 
have no rest till he had obtained a safe conduct to come and 
give satisfaction; and accordingly, (1,) 5, at a lecture at Bos- 
ton, (it being then the court time,) he made a pubUc confession 
both of his hving in adultery with Taber's wife, (upon sus- 
picion whereof the church had before admonished him,) and 
attempting the hke with another woman, and also the injury he 
had done to our state, etc., and acknowledged the justice of the 
court in their proceeding against him, etc. Yet all his con- 
fessions were mixed with such excuses and extenuations, as 
did not give satisfaction of the truth of his repentance, so as 
it seemed to be done rather out of poHcy, and to pacify the 
sting of his conscience, than in sincerity. But, however, 
his offences being so foul and scandalous, the church presently 
cast him out; which censure he seemed to submit unto, and, 
for the time he staid in Boston, (being four or five days) he was 
very much dejected, etc. ; but, being gone back, he soon recov- 
ered his spirits again, or, at least, gave not that proof of a 
broken heart, as he gave hope of at Boston. For (to ingratiate 
himself with the state of England, and with some gentlemen 
at the river's mouth, who were very zealous that way, and had 
lately set up common prayer, etc.) he sent thirteen men armed 
to Exeter to fetch one Gabriel Fish, who was detained in the 
officer's hands for speaking against the king, the magistrates 
of Exeter being then in the bay to take advice what to do 
with him; and besides, when the church and people of Dover 
desired him to forbear to come to the next court, till they had 
considered of his case, and he had promised so to do, yet, 
hearing that they were consulting to remove him from his 
government, he could not refrain, but came and took his place 
in the court ; and though he had offered to lay down his place, 
yet, when he saw they went about it, he grew passionate, and 
expostulated with them, and would not stay to receive his dis- 
mission, nor would be seen to accept it, when it was sent after 
him. Yet they proceeded, and chose one Roberts to be presi- 


dent of the court, and, soon after, they returned back Fish to 
Exeter, which was considerately done of them, for it had 
been a dangerous precedent against them, being a weak planta- 
tion, if the commissioners from the lords of the council, who 
were daily expected, should have taken occasion to have done 
the hke by them, though they held themselves to be out of 
that province, which was granted to Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 
Besides this, in the open court he committed one of his fellow 
magistrates for rising up and saying he would not sit with an 
adulterer, etc. But the chief matter, which they produced 
against him, was, that, whereas he himself was the mover of 
them to break off their agreement with us, he had written to 
our governor, and laid it upon the people, especially upon 
some among them; and for this they produced against him 
a letter from our governor, written to one of their commissioners 
in answer to a letter of his, wherein he had discovered the 
captain's proceeding in that matter. Soon after this the cap- 
tain came by water into the bay to tender (as he said) satis- 
faction to the church. This was taken by some of the magis- 
trates as a very presumptuous act, and they would have had 
him imprisoned, supposing that his safe conduct would not bear 
him out, having been once here and returned back again ; but 
that counsel was not approved, because the time of his safe 
conduct was not expired, and it was thought very dangerous to 
our reputation to give the least occasion of reproach in this 
kind, seeing it might be objected against us to our great preju- 
dice, where we should not have opportunity to clear our 
innocency. But the church, not being satisfied of his repent- 
ance, would not admit him to pubHc speech. So, after one 
week, he returned home. 

In this winter, in a close, calm day, there fell divers flakes of 
snow of this form *, very thin, and as exactly pointed as art 
could have cut them in paper, or, etc. 

(1.) (March) 24.] The church of Boston sent three brethren, 
viz., Capt. Edward Gibbons, Mr. Hibbins, and Mr. GUver the 


younger, with letters to Mr. Coddington and the rest of our 
members at Aquiday, to understand their judgments in divers 
points of rehgion, formerly maintained by all, or divers of them, 
and to require them to give account to the church of their 
unwarrantable practice in communicating with excommuni- 
cated persons, etc. When they came, they found that those of 
them, who dwell at Newport, had joined themselves to a church 
there newly constituted, and thereupon they refused to hear 
them as messengers of our church, or to receive the church's 
letters. Whereupon, at their return, the elders and most of 
the church would have cast them out, as refusing to hear the 
church; but, all being not agreed, it was deferred.* 

18.] Mr. Norris was ordained teacher of the church of 
Salem, there being present near all the elders of the other 
churches, and much people besides. 

21.] The White Angel, sl small ship of Bristol, went from 
hence, and arrived there in twenty-four days; and, the same 
year, the Desire, sl ship built at Marblehead, of one hundred 
tons, went from hence in the summer, and arrived at Graves- 
end, in the Thames, in twenty-three days. 

Our neighbors of Plymouth had procured from hence, this 

'Modem sympathy is with the moderate men in opposition to the harsh 
and repugnant policy of the elders. 

The report of Oliver, quoted by Savage, says that "they denied our com- 
mission, and refused to let our letter be received; and they conceive, one church 
hath not power over the members of another church, and do not think they are 
tied to us by our covenant. So we were fain to take all their answers by going 
to their several houses. Mr. Hutchinson told us, he was more nearly tied to his 
wife than to the church: he thought her to be a dear saint and servant of God. 
We came then to Mrs. Hutchinson, and told her, that we had a message to do to 
her from the Lord and from our church. She answered. There are lords many, 
and gods many; but I acknowledge but one Lord. Which lord do you mean? 
We answered, we came in the name but of one Lord, and that is God. Then, 
saith she, so far we agree; and where we do agree, let it be set down. Then we 
told her, we had a message to her from the church of Christ in Boston. She 
replied, she knew no church but one. We told her, in scripture the Holy Ghost 
calls them churches. She said, Christ had but one spouse. We told her, he had 
in some sort as many spouses as saints. But for our church, she would not 
acknowledge it any church of Christ." 


year, one Mr. Chancey, a great scholar, and a godly man, 
intending to call him to the office of a teacher;* but, before the 
fit time came, he discovered his judgment about baptism, that 
the children ought to be dipped and not sprinkled; and, he 
being an active man, and very vehement, there arose much 
trouble about it. The magistrates and the other elders there, 
and the most of the people, withstood the receiving of that 
practice, not for itself so much, as for fear of worse conse- 
quences, as the annihilating our baptism, etc. Whereupon 
the church there wrote to all the other churches, both here 
and at Connecticut, etc., for advice, and sent Mr. Chancey's 
arguments. The churches took them into consideration, and 
returned their several answers, wherein they showed their 
dissent from him, and clearly confuted all his arguments, dis- 
covering withal some great mistakes of his about the judgment 
and practice of antiquity. Yet he would not give over his 
opinion; and the church of Plymouth, (though they could not 
agree to call him to office, yet,) being much taken with his able 
parts, they were very loath to part with him. He did main- 
tain, also, that the Lord's supper ought to be administered 
in the evening, and every Lord's day; and the church at 
Sandwich (where one Mr. Leveridge was minister) fell into the 
practice of it; but that being a matter of no great ill conse- 
quence, save some outward inconvenience, there was little stir 
about it. This Mr. Chancey was after called to office in the 
church of Scituate. 

One Palmer, of Hingham, and two others, (being ancient 
and skilful seamen,) being in a shallop of ten tons, in an easterly 
wind, by Paddock's Island, were overset; yet one of them had 

• Edward Norris and Charles Chauncy were both conspicuous divines; but 
the latter, becoming president of Harvard College, has a better hold on fame. 
Chauncy, to whom two professorships were offered at the English Cambridge, 
a marked token of appreciation, began his American career at Plymouth, going 
soon to Scituate. Though like his predecessor Dunster, held in Massachusetts 
to be unsound in his views as to baptism, he was trusted with the great educa- 
tional responsibility, and made himself powerfully influential. 


the sheet in his hand, and let fly; but it was too late, having 
but little ballast in her; yet it pleased God, there came by, soon 
after, a pinnace, which espied them sitting upon her side, yet 
deep in the water, and took them up, but the shallop was not 
heard of after. 

Many men began to inquire after the southern parts; and 
the great advantages supposed to be had in Virginia and the 
West Indies, etc., made this country to be disesteemed of many; 
and yet those countries (for all their great wealth) have sent 
hither, both this year and formerly, for supply of clothes and 
other necessaries ; and some families have forsaken both Provi- 
dence and other the Caribbee Islands and Virginia to come live 
here. And though our people saw what meagre, unhealthful 
countenances they brought hither, and how fat and well liking 
they became soon, yet they were so taken with the ease and 
plenty of those countries, as many of them sold their estates 
here to transport themselves to Providence; among whom the 
chief was John Humfrey, Esq., a gentleman of special parts 
of learning and activity, and a godly man, who had been one 
of the first beginners in the promoting of this plantation, and 
had labored very much therein. He, being brought low in 
his estate, and having many children, and being well known 
to the lords of Providence,* and offering himself to their 
service, was accepted to be the next governor. Whereupon he 
labored much to draw men to join with him. This was looked 
at, both by the general court, and also by the elders, as an 
unwarrantable course ; for though it was thought very needful 
to further plantation of churches in the West Indies, and all 
were willing to endeavor the same ; yet to do it with disparage- 
ment of this country, (for they gave out that they could not 
subsist here,) caused us to fear, that the Lord was not with 
them in this way. And, withal, some considerations were pro- 
pounded to them by the court, which diverted some of them, 
and made others to pause, upon three points especially: 1. 

' See p. 228, note 1. 


How dangerous it was to bring up an ill report upon this good 
land, which God had found out and given to his people, and so 
to discourage the hearts of their brethren, etc. 2. To leave a 
place of rest and safety, to expose themselves, their wives and 
children, to the danger of a potent enemy^ the Spaniard. 3. 
Their subjection to such governors as those in England shall 
set over them, etc. Notwithstanding these considerations, 
divers of them persisted in their resolutions, and went about to 
get some ship or bark to transport them ; but they were still 
crossed by the hand of God. 

Mo. 3. (May) 17.] Joseph Grafton set sail from Salem, the 
2d day in the morning, in a ketch of about forty tons, (three 
men and a boy in her,) and arrived at Pemaquid (the wind 
easterly) upon the third day in the morning, and there took in 
some twenty cows, oxen, etc., with hay and water for them 
and came to an anchor in the bay the 6th day about three 
after noon. 

It came over by divers letters and reports, that the Lord 
Say did labor, by disparaging this country, to divert men from' 
coming to us, and so to draw them to the West Indies; and, 
finding that godly men were unwilling to come under other 
governors than such as they should make choice of themselves, 
etc., they condescended to articles somewhat suitable to 
our form of government, although they had formerly declared 
themselves much against it, and for a mere aristocracy, and 
an hereditary magistracy to be settled upon some great per- 
sons, etc. 

The governor also wrote to the Lord Say about the report 
aforesaid, and therein showed his lordship, how evident it was, 
that God had chosen this country to plant his people in, and 
therefore how displeasing it would be to the Lord, and danger- 
ous to himself, to hinder this work, or to discourage men from 
supplying us, by abasing the goodness of the country, which he 
never saw, and persuading men, that here was no possibility of 
subsistence ; whereas there was a sure ground for his children's 


faith, that, being sent hither by him, either he saw that the land 
was a good land, and sufficient to maintain them, or else he 
intended to make it such, etc. To this letter his lordship re- 
turned answer, (not denying that which was reported of him, 
nor the evidence of the Lord's owning the work, but) alleging, 
that this was a place appointed only for a present refuge, etc., 
and that, a better place being now found out, we were all called 
to remove thither.* 

* Apparently New England was now in danger of being uprooted, though 
hardly yet fixed. It is not strange that Humfrey and Lord Saye and Sele thought 
the position too bleak and barren now that the advantages of Virginia and the 
West Indies were fully known. See Frank Strong, "A Forgotten Danger to the 
New England Colonies," in Annual Report of the American Historical Associa- 
tion for 1898, pp. 77-94. 

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